Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of MankindKnickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
History
Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of Mankind
Knickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; World War, 1939-1945; World War, 1939-1945 -- United States
A. Decidedly. Armies are usually conservative and pacifist. If we want
to get rid of the Communist International and have Russia re-enter
the family of nations, let the Red Army take hold of affairs in the
Kremlin. Stalin is afraid of it.
In the purge of 1934-1938 Stalin arrested no less than 30,000 officers
according to an estimate quoted by Louis Fischer. He started by
executing the head of the army, Tukhachevsky, and seven other of the
highest generals, then three more, and so on until there were left of
the original staff only Voroshiloff and Budenny. Some may have been
guilty of wishing to cooperate with the Nazis, but most were killed
because Stalin feared they were plotting against him.
Stalin’s principal instrument of espionage against his own army is the
system of political commissars, whereby a Stalin party man is allocated
to each Red commander, with the prime duty of watching his every move,
listening to his every word, and if possible trapping him into an
indiscretion. This obviously hinders military efficiency, and in times
when Stalin feels safe or when he wants military efficiency more than
an immediate sense of personal security, he gives it up.
When he attacked Finland, for example, he felt strong enough personally
to give it up, and the Red Army improved sufficiently to win. There was
much boasting among Communists that the Red Army now no longer would
need political commissars again, but to their disappointment, shortly
after the German attack on Russia, Stalin reinstalled his commissars.
This at the moment when the Soviet Union was more gravely threatened
than ever in its history meant that Stalin felt himself less menaced
by the defeat of the Red Army than by the Red Army itself.
Is it farfetched to imagine that since Stalin has played the part of a
super-Robespierre, the time may come when he will suffer Robespierre’s
end?
Q. _If you say, as you did, that Stalin would make a separate peace if
it suited him, despite his agreement not to do so, what was the use of
Britain’s offering and entering into such an agreement?_
A. It was useful to make the agreement in order to convince Stalin
that Britain, for her part, intends to keep on fighting no matter
what happens. This might encourage Stalin to fight a little longer
than he might have done if he thought that at any moment he might be
deserted by his Ally. You remember the _New Yorker_ anecdote about the
suburbanite who met the town Communist soon after Germany attacked
Russia, and twitted him about the German-Soviet pact, but without
results.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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