Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of MankindKnickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
History
Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of Mankind
Knickerbocker, H. R. (Hubert Renfro)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; World War, 1939-1945; World War, 1939-1945 -- United States
Suppose the scorched-earth policy is extended to the oil fields of
the Caucasus. Really determined skilled effort can make an oil field
unproductive for a year or more. To pursue the Red forces into the
Urals and beyond and then to hold down the whole country would be a
task which would absorb the energies of even the German war machine.
There would thus be bargaining points on both sides.
Hitler could say to Stalin: “I can utterly destroy you and your system
if I choose.” Stalin could say to Hitler: “Yes, but I can make your
conquest futile as far as supplies are concerned, and if you try to
destroy me and my system I will starve you and tire you until you are
too weak to win in the West.” Stalin’s argument might well run that by
making a compromise peace he could save something, including his own
job, from the wreck; then by waiting patiently for the victory of the
Allies which he probably foresees in the long run, he would win back
everything, just as the Bolsheviks did after they had deserted the
Allies in the first World War.
Hitler, on the other hand, knows that without Stalin’s help he cannot
begin to obtain the materials he needs from Russia in time to serve his
necessity. Douglas Miller points out that in the two summers of 1917
and 1918 when the Germans occupied the Ukraine, they got only 43,000
small carloads of grain, which scarcely paid the costs of occupation.
Only with Stalin as his Gauleiter can Hitler make his Russian
investment pay economically during the critical next two years.
Q. _What would be the effect of such a compromise peace between Germany
and Russia on the United States and Great Britain?_
A. It would be a disaster even worse than the signing of the original
Soviet-German pact in August 1939.
Q. _Why worse? It would be just about the same, wouldn’t it?_
A. No, because this time Hitler would have obtained what he thought he
had obtained but had not obtained from Russia through his 1939 pact. He
would have nearly complete security on the Eastern frontier and would
not have to pin down there more than a fraction of the divisions he had
there from 1939 on.
He would have obtained guaranteed deliveries of the oil and grain and
other products he needs. His guarantee would be the disarmament of the
Red Army to the point where the Germans could march in at any moment
and enforce their demands. He would also have obtained the right to
march his troops across the Ukraine, or sail across the Black Sea and
from the Caucasus drive at Suez, or eventually India. Furthermore
the re-neutralization, or the military emasculation, of the Soviet
Union would free Japan’s rear from the danger of attack, and would
proportionately increase the chances of Japan’s attacking southward in
the area of our vital interests. Such a compromise peace would enable
Hitler to endure many years longer than if he had to fight on to the
complete conquest of Russia, against a nationwide, scorched-earth,
guerilla warfare.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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