By the magnitude of these difficulties should be measured the signal
success of the Yamagata cabinet in obtaining the passage in the lower
house of the land tax bill, on December 20, 1898, by the majority of 161
to 134. It was, however, bought with a heavy cost both to the cabinet
and to its allies, the Constitutionalists. The former had been compelled
to relinquish its "transcendentalism," and the latter risked the
displeasure of their constituencies. Nor was the bill passed without a
hard struggle and serious amendments. The original proposition of the
government contemplated a permanent increase of the tax rate to four per
cent., but the bill as it was adopted fixed it at 3.3 per cent. (the
rate of the house land in the cities being, however, 5 per cent.), and
limited its validity to the short period of five years, so that the
estimated increase in the income of the tax, after its going into
plenary force, was only over eight million _yen_, or less than half the
originally intended increase. Even this reduced measure was not agreed
to until the government yielded to the demands to revise the land
valuation in the country in such a way as to cut the total assessed
value by 3,200,000 _yen_, and, what is more, to transfer the charge of
the prison expenditures, amounting to four millions, from the local to
the central exchequer. The net gain by the increased tax measure would
hardly rise above four million _yen_ annually, and this slight gain
would be temporary, while the losses entailed on the government from the
reassessment and prison expenditure would be permanent. After the
expiration of the five years the government would be left worse off than
at the beginning of the term.
In spite of these drawbacks, the credit of raising the income of the
land, income, and _saké_ taxes by forty-six millions of _yen_, and thus
enabling the _post-bellum_ measures to be carried out to any real
extent, belongs justly to the Yamagata cabinet. If we add to this
remarkable success the establishment of the gold standard in 1898 and
the passage of the new election law in 1900, and also remember that the
cabinet possessed a strong unity, it becomes difficult to understand why
it resigned in September, 1900, at the prime of its success. The reason
was probably the characteristic modesty and prudence of the field
marshal, who saw that he had attained to a success large enough to
satisfy any premier, while the prolongation of his office might involve
him in embarrassing relations with the new party just formed by Marquis
Itō, with which the retiring premier had little sympathy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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