Jewish influences in American life : $b volume III of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a third selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn IndependentFord, Henry
Religion
Jewish influences in American life : $b volume III of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a third selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn Independent
Ford, Henry
Antisemitic literature; Jews -- United States; United States -- Ethnic relations
“I asked them to be patient with us until after the election, and _I
cited to them our experiences with monetary reform_. I reminded them how
the Aldrich plan had failed because, at that time, a Republican
President had lost control of a Congress ruled by a Democratic majority;
how the Democrats in their platform damned this plan and any central
banking system; and how, _once in full power, the National Reserve
Association was evolved, not to say camouflaged, by them into the
Federal Reserve System_.”
Remembering this play before the public, and the play behind the scenes,
this “camouflaging,” as Mr. Warburg says, of one thing into another, he
undertook to assure his friends in Europe that regardless of what the
political platforms said, the United States would do substantially what
Europe hoped it would. Mr. Warburg’s basis for that belief was, as he
said, his experience with the way the central bank idea went through in
spite of the advertised objection of all parties. He believes that with
Americans it is possible to get what you want if you just play the game
skillfully. His experience with monetary reform seems to have fathered
that belief in him.
Politicians may be necessary pawns to play in the game, but as members
of the government Mr. Warburg does not want them in banking. They are
not bankers, he says; they don’t understand; banking is nothing for a
government man to meddle with. He may be good enough for the Government
of the United States; he is not good enough for banking.
“In our country,” says Mr. Warburg, referring to the United States,
“with every untrained amateur a candidate for any office, _where
friendship or help in a presidential campaign, financial or political,
has always given a claim for political preferment_, where the bids for
votes and public favor are ever present in the politician’s mind, ... _a
direct government management, that is to say, a political management,
would prove fatal_.... There can be no doubt but that, as drawn at
present (1913), with two cabinet officers members of the Federal Reserve
Board, and with the vast powers vested in the latter, the Owen-Glass
Bill would bring about direct government management.”
And that, of course, in Mr. Warburg’s mind, is not only “dangerous,” but
“fatal.”
Mr. Warburg had almost his whole will in the matter. And what is the
result?
Turn to the testimony of Bernard M. Baruch, when he was examined with
reference to the charge that certain men close to President Wilson had
profited to the extent of $60,000,000 on stock market operations which
they entered into on the strength of advance information of what the
President was to say in his next war note—the famous “leak”
investigation, as it was called; one of the several investigations in
which Mr. Baruch was closely questioned.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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