Joel Chandler Harris' life of Henry W. Grady including his writings and speeches
History
Joel Chandler Harris' life of Henry W. Grady including his writings and speeches
Grady, Henry Woodfin, 1850-1889
It is deplorable, sir, that in both sections a larger percentage of the
vote is not regularly cast, but more inexplicable that this should be so
in New England than in the South. What invites the negro to the
ballot-box? He knows that, of all men, it has promised him most and
yielded him least. His first appeal to suffrage was the promise of
“forty acres and a mule.” His second, the threat that Democratic success
meant his re-inslavement. Both have proved false in his experience. He
looked for a home, and he got the freedman’s bank. He fought under the
promise of the loaf, and in victory was denied the crumbs. Discouraged
and deceived, he has realized at last that his best friends are his
neighbors, with whom his lot is cast, and whose prosperity is bound up
in his—and that he has gained nothing in politics to compensate the loss
of their confidence and sympathy that is at last his best and his
enduring hope. And so, without leaders or organization—and lacking the
resolute heroism of my party friends in Vermont that makes their
hopeless march over the hills a high and inspiring pilgrimage—he
shrewdly measures the occasional agitator, balances his little account
with politics, touches up his mule and jogs down the furrow, letting the
mad world jog as it will!
The negro vote can never control in the South, and it would be well if
partisans in the North would understand this. I have seen the white
people of a State set about by black hosts until their fate seemed
sealed. But, sir, some brave man, banding them together, would rise, as
Elisha rose in beleaguered Samaria, and touching their eyes with faith,
bid them look abroad to see the very air “filled with the chariots of
Israel and the horsemen thereof.” If there is any human force that
cannot be withstood, it is the power of the banded intelligence and
responsibility of a free community. Against it, numbers and corruption
cannot prevail. It cannot be forbidden in the law or divorced in force.
It is the inalienable right of every free community—and the just and
righteous safeguard against an ignorant or corrupt suffrage. It is on
this, sir, that we rely in the South. Not the cowardly menace of mask or
shotgun; but the peaceful majesty of intelligence and responsibility,
massed and unified for the protection of its homes and the preservation
of its liberty. That, sir, is our reliance and our hope, and against it
all the powers of the earth shall not prevail. It was just as certain
that Virginia would come back to the unchallenged control of her white
race—that before the moral and material power of her people once more
unified, opposition would crumble until its last desperate leader was
left alone vainly striving to rally his disordered hosts—as that night
should fade in the kindling glory of the sun. You may pass force bills,
but they will not avail. You may surrender your own liberties to Federal
election law, you may submit, in fear of a necessity that does not
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