Labour and the Popular WelfareMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
General
Labour and the Popular Welfare
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Labor; Labor movement; Socialism; Working class
must find some separate and some distinctive name; and the name which I
propose to use for this purpose is Ability.
[Sidenote ◆1 In this book it will be called Ability.]
[Sidenote ◆2 There is, however, a deeper distinction between the
two than the fact of one being mental and the other
muscular.]
◆¹ Human Exertion then, as applied to the production of wealth, is of
two distinct kinds: Ability and Labour—the former being essentially
moral or mental exertion, and only incidentally muscular; the latter
being mainly muscular, and only moral or mental in a comparatively
unimportant sense. ◆² This difference between them, however, though
accidentally it is always present, and is what at first strikes the
observation, is not the fundamental difference. The fundamental
difference is of quite another kind. It lies in the following fact:
That Labour is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual, which
begins and ends with each separate task it is employed upon, whilst
Ability is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual which is
capable of affecting simultaneously the labour of an indefinite number
of individuals, and thus hastening or perfecting the accomplishment of
an indefinite number of tasks.
[Sidenote ◆1 The vital distinction is that the Labour of one man
affects one task only; the Ability of one man may affect
an indefinite number.]
◆¹ This vital distinction, hitherto so entirely neglected, should be
written in letters of fire on the mind of everybody who wishes to
understand, to improve, or even to discuss intelligibly, the economic
conditions of a country such as ours. Unless it is recognised, and
terms are found to express it, it is impossible to think clearly about
the question; much more is it impossible to argue clearly about it: for
men’s thoughts, even if for moments they are correct and clear, will be
presently tripped up and entangled in the language they are obliged to
use. Thus, we constantly find that when men have declared all wealth
to be due to Labour, more or less consciously including Ability in the
term, they go on to speak of Labour and the labouring classes, more
or less consciously excluding it; and we can hardly open a review or
a newspaper, or listen to a speech on any economic problem, without
finding the labouring classes spoken of as “the producers,” to the
obvious and intentional exclusion of the classes who exercise Ability;
whereas it can be demonstrated, as we shall see in another chapter,
that of the wealth enjoyed by this country to-day, Labour produces
little more than a third.
Let us go back then to the definitions I have just now given, and
insist on them and enlarge them and explain them, so as to make them
absolutely clear.
[Sidenote ◆1 Familiar examples will show the truth of this.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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