Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economicsMacassey, Lynden Livingston
History
Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economics
Macassey, Lynden Livingston
Industrial policy -- Great Britain; Labor economics -- Great Britain; Labour Party (Great Britain)
One would have thought the experience of the French Revolutionary
Government of 1848 would have been conclusive as to the right to work.
Louis Blanc had published, in 1839, his great work, _Organisation du
Travail_, in which he preached the right to work and urged on the French
Government the advantages of its embarking on industrial production.
The Government was to raise a large loan, and with it establish and
equip national factories in every branch of industry. Workmen were to be
employed, but were to determine by popular election the grades of the
different workers. The net profits were to be divided into three parts,
one to be distributed equally among the workers, the second to be devoted
to the maintenance of the old, incapacitated and the sick, the third to
provide capital for extensions and renewals of the industry. The French
Government appointed Emile Thomas to set up _ateliers nationaux_, having
previously issued a decree that the Provisional Government of the French
Republic bound itself to guarantee the existence of the worker by means
of work and to guarantee work for all its citizens. The comic and the
tragic side of that great adventure are well described in _Histoire des
Ateliers Nationaux_, by Emile Thomas, and in _The Right to Work_, by J.
A. R. Marriott, M.P., Oxford University Press, and are too well-known
to require repetition. They proved a disastrous industrial and economic
failure, which of itself led directly to the revolution of June 1848.
Impossibility of Providing Suitable Work
At one time Labour proposed that only work should be provided for every
unemployed person, not “suitable work,” but the ludicrous absurdity
of this proposal became too obvious when it was seen to involve, for
example, the transference of the skilled shipwright or boilermaker
from the Tyne or the Clyde to work on afforestation in the Highlands
of Scotland, or on roadmaking, or some other work of which they had no
experience, in another remote part of the country. Now the demand has
been modulated into one for “suitable work,” which, at any rate, looks
more sensible on paper. Whatever chance, however, there may be of finding
some work for persons unemployed, there is much less scope for finding
suitable work. The lines of demarcation, which confine in water-tight
compartments the work of every trade, are so closely drawn, and the
determination of every Trade Union is so inflexible as to allow at no
time any other person than its own members to engage upon the work of its
particular trade, that at times of trade depression it is most difficult
to find suitable work. If no suitable work can be found in the district,
it can hardly be suggested that in times of depression shipwrights and
boilermakers on the Clyde, if they are out of work, should be moved to
other places, for example, to the Tyne or the Mersey, where there would
be, from the nature of things, local men of their own craft available.
Employment Depends Primarily on Demand
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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