Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economicsMacassey, Lynden Livingston
History
Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economics
Macassey, Lynden Livingston
Industrial policy -- Great Britain; Labor economics -- Great Britain; Labour Party (Great Britain)
But it will be asked what is to happen when the employers and Unions
concerned in our great national industries decline to come together. In
that event, the Government, through the Ministry of Labour, must, as
the latter has so frequently done with tact and efficiency, endeavour
to bring the two sides to a conference. That can usually be done. The
Ministry has power under the Industrial Courts Act, 1919, to appoint a
Court of Inquiry, but this power in practice is of little use unless
both sides agree. Public opinion, however, can always be relied on
strongly to resent employers and unions standing at arm’s length; but
before it can, or will, operate, a definite open effort must be made
to put them into touch with one another. Negotiations once instituted
may culminate in an agreement, or end in a rupture, so that a strike or
lock-out appears inevitable. Then there is generally but one sound course
for the Government to pursue: at once to refer the dispute through the
appropriate Government Department to the Industrial Court, and obtain
its impartial and experienced decision upon the issue. Whether either
or both parties will submit to the arbitrament of the Court is purely
voluntary—we have not compulsory industrial arbitration in this country.
It has failed in Canada and Australia; it failed here disastrously during
the war. If men are to be compelled to accept an award, employers must be
compelled, if the Court so decide, to carry on their works at a loss. But
the public has no patience with any party to a wages dispute who will not
agree to the reference of his claim to an independent tribunal, or who,
having agreed to the submission, refuses to accept the award. One of the
most important present-day functions of such a tribunal is to analyse the
claim and see to what extent the claim is a genuine industrial demand,
or part of the revolutionary programme of extremists for squeezing all
private profit out of industry so as to force “nationalization and
democratic control” or some other favourite socialistic scheme. The one
fatal course is for the Cabinet to attempt itself to handle industrial
disputes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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