Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economicsMacassey, Lynden Livingston
History
Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economics
Macassey, Lynden Livingston
Industrial policy -- Great Britain; Labor economics -- Great Britain; Labour Party (Great Britain)
Organization which exercises now very considerable influence over labour
legislation and administration in every country, party to the League
of Nations. That cannot possibly be managed if the responsibility is
to be scattered over half a dozen partially interested and wholly
unco-ordinated Government departments.
If the labour sections of other Government departments were united with
the Ministry of Labour, very great economies could be effected: factory
and trade board inspectorates could be combined; health and unemployment
inspectorates could also be amalgamated; in fact, one central
inspectorate could well perform all the four kinds of inspection duties.
These are but a few illustrations. The various labour duties performed
by the different Government departments are so obviously one and the
same that it is inconceivable why the overlapping which exists should be
tolerated any longer. It is the one thing in our labour administration
that passes the comprehension of foreign critics.
Some of those who suggest the abolition of the Ministry of Labour propose
to constitute in its place a National Industrial Council, consisting of
an equal number of representatives of Employers’ Associations and Trade
Unions with a chairman nominated by the Government, as recommended by
the Report of the Provisional Joint Committee of Employers and Trade
Unions to the Industrial Conference, convened by the Government on
February 27, 1919, when the miners’ strike was threatening. The duty
of the National Industrial Council would be to make recommendations in
regard to controversial industrial matters. If the Unions _bona fide_
will undertake to use such a Council, or Parliament of Industry as it is
sometimes called, for the purpose of promoting good relations between
employers and employed, its creation would be of value. That implies
the continuance in industry of the private employer. But, on the other
hand, if the Unions intend to work for the elimination of the private
employer from industry, as they declared their intention to do in the
Memorandum (_see_ p. 59) annexed by the Right Hon. Arthur Henderson to
the Report of the Provisional Joint Committee, then the creation of a
Parliament of Industry would be a farce, and merely degenerate into an
organized means to the Unions’ real end. In any event, the scope of
a National Joint Council is limited. No Union will acquiesce in the
judgment of other Unions on its domestic affairs—imagine boilermakers
accepting the decision of plumbers, electricians and fitters on a
question concerning the demarcation of boilermakers’ work. As it was,
miners, railwaymen and transport workers absented themselves from the
Industrial Conference in 1919. Moreover, employers and Trade Unions will
always agree, to the serious discomfiture of Government, on reforms of
which the expenses are to fall not on industry but on national funds, but
the question of such expenditure is surely one to be reserved exclusively
for Parliament.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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