Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economicsMacassey, Lynden Livingston
History
Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economics
Macassey, Lynden Livingston
Industrial policy -- Great Britain; Labor economics -- Great Britain; Labour Party (Great Britain)
But assuming that management will accept the teaching of the best
employers that the sympathetic handling of labour is an employer’s duty,
and, apart from that, is good business, the problem then will be how to
make and sustain such an appeal to the worker that he will be induced
to co-operate with the management. A similar problem confronted myself
during part of the war period when, as Director of Shipyard Labour, I
had charge of the labour in some 2,500 firms, employing something like
one million men. Output had to be secured and maintained at all costs,
so when any trouble occurred my Department had to intervene if the
management and men failed to come to a speedy settlement. When forming
the Department I gathered together a small band of enthusiastic and
far-sighted employers and Trade Unionists, and in conjunction we made a
determined and intensive effort to get right down _au fond_ and strike
the chords in industrial human nature, on whose vibration co-operation
is dependent. Some simple principles were formulated, which, later, as
experience grew, were modified in detail. These were made the basis
of the appeal, not merely in mass meetings, Trade Union lodges, and
elsewhere among the men, but also, with the assistance—and it was loyally
given—of the employers, carried into daily workshop practice. At the
time when these principles were first put into operation, there were
close on 200 strikes a week in the 2,500 firms. After a twelve-months’
regime the strikes which had fallen regularly, month by month, came
down to under ten a week. Some employers denied that the principles had
anything to do with the diminution of strikes. One of the most prominent
described them as “so much pap.” But the Trade Unions took a different
view, and I hold many personal letters from some of the principal Unions
attributing the whole of the improvement to the sympathetic regime that
had been put into operation—it was really nothing more than carrying
sympathy and strict justice into all the details of workshop life. Far
be it from me to suggest that any State department, without executive
responsibility, can run labour as well as a private employer who has
that responsibility; the point is that enormous improvement in the
co-operative spirit between employers and employed can be effected by the
adoption of a well-developed _methodized_ system of handling labour based
on sympathetic principles.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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