Latin America: Its Rise and ProgressGarcía Calderón, Francisco
History
Latin America: Its Rise and Progress
García Calderón, Francisco
Latin America
It was a radical transformation, for from the time of Portales the
government had intervened in elections, had insisted upon presidents
and deputies. Balmaceda disregarded his own work, rebelled against
Congress, governed without a budget, defended the rights of the power
which he had destroyed by short-sighted legislation, and tried to
enforce his wishes as to the Presidency, in the traditional manner,
and Congress refused to accept his candidate. It has been truly said
that the government of Balmaceda was the crisis of electoral
intervention.[2] Parliament refused to pass the President's law of
contributions, {176} overturned his ministries, and protested against
the designation of an official candidate; as in the time of the
French Revolution, a revolutionary committee was formed in the heart
of the Chamber. The two dictatorships clashed. The revolution broke
forth in 1891; the fleet revolted; civil war divided families;
Congress fought for the Constitution, the Government for the
autocracy. From La Moneda Balmaceda directed a terrible war against
the combined forces of the fleet, the banks, and the Parliament. The
factions fought with lamentable ardour; it was a war of hatreds and
reprisals, bitter as a racial conflict. Two battles, Concon and La
Placilla, destroyed the power of the President.
The revolutionaries got the upper hand, invaded Valparaiso and
Santiago, and the Araucanian savages burned the dwellings of the
President's friends, and swept, brutal and drunken, through the
silent cities. Balmaceda took refuge in the Argentine Legation, and
his supporters hid, while a horde of vandals proceeded to reduce the
capital to ruins. The defeated President took on a stoic grandeur;
like a hero of Plutarch, he transformed his fall into an apotheosis;
he purified the local tragedy by catastrophe. Serene as a figure of
antiquity, he committed suicide, after drafting a noble political
testament. "Among those who are to-day my most violent persecutors,"
he wrote, "are the politicians of various parties whom I have heaped
with honours, whom I have exalted and served with enthusiasm. I am
in nowise surprised, neither by this inconsequence, nor by the
inconstancy of mankind.... All the founders of South American
independence have died in dungeons, in prison cells, or have been
assassinated, or have perished in proscription and exile. Such has
been civil war in the ancient as in the modern democracies. It is
only when one has witnessed the fury to which the victors in a civil
{177} war abandon themselves that one comes to understand why, of
old, the vanquished politician, even though he were the most unworthy
servant of the State, made an end by falling upon his own sword."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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