Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
95. (2) After what has been said, we need not dwell long on the
second question raised [1] concerning Rousseau's theory: Is there
any truth in speaking of a sovereignty 'de jure' founded upon the
'volonté générale'? It is a distinction which can only be maintained
so long as either 'sovereign' is not used in a determinate sense, or
by 'jus' is understood something else than law or right established
by law. If by 'sovereign' we understand something short of a person
or persons holding the supreme law-making and law-enforcing power,
e.g. an English king who is often called sovereign, we might say
that sovereignty was exercised 'de facto' but not 'de jure' when
the power of such a 'sovereign' was in conflict with, or was not
sanctioned by, the law as declared and enforced by the really supreme
power. Thus an English king, so far as he affected to control the
army or raise money without the co-operation of Parliament, might be
said to be sovereign 'de facto' but not 'de jure'; only, however,
on the supposition that the supreme law-making and law-enforcing
power does not belong to him, and thus that he is called 'sovereign'
in other than the strict sense. If he were sovereign in the full
sense 'de facto,' he could not fail to be so 'de jure,' i.e.
legally. In such a state of things, if the antagonism between king
and parliament continued for any length of time, it would have to
be admitted that there was no sovereign in the sense of a supreme
law-making and law-enforcing power; that sovereignty in this sense
was in abeyance, and that anarchy prevailed. Or the same thing might
be explained by saying that sovereignty still resided 'de jure'
with the king and parliament, though not 'de facto' exercised by
them; but if we use such language, we must bear in mind that we are
qualifying 'sovereignty' by an epithet which neutralises its meaning
as an actually supreme power. If, however, the king succeeded in
establishing such a power on a permanent footing, he would have
become sovereign in the full sense, and there would be no ground
for saying, as before, that he was not sovereign 'de jure'; for the
qualifications 'de jure' and 'not de jure,' in that sense in which
they might be applied to a power which is not supreme, are equally
inapplicable to the power of making and enforcing law which is
supreme. The monarch's newly established supremacy may be in conflict
with laws that were previously in force, but he has only to abolish
those laws in order to render it legal. If, then, it is still to
be said to be not 'de jure,' it must be because 'jus' is used for
something else than law or right established by law; viz. either
for 'natural right' (if we admit that there is such a thing), and
'natural right' as not merely = natural power; or for certain claims
which the members of the subject community have come to recognise as
inherent in the community and in themselves as members of it, claims
regarded as the foundation of law, not as founded upon it, and with
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