Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
118. From this common source morality and political subjection in
all its forms always retain two elements in common, one consisting
in antagonism to some inclination, the other consisting in the
consciousness that the antagonism to inclination is founded on reason
or on the conception of some adequate good. It is the antagonism
to inclination involved in the moral life, as alone we know it,
that makes it proper to speak analogically of moral 'laws' and
'imperatives.' It must be remembered, however, that such language
_is_ analogical, and that there is an essential difference between
laws in the strictest sense (laws which are indeed not adequately
described as general commands of a political superior, sanctioned
by liability to pains which that superior can inflict, but in which
a command so sanctioned is an essential element), and the laws of
conscience, of which it is the peculiar dignity that they have no
external imponent and no sanction consisting in fear of bodily evil.
The relation of constraint, in the one case between the man and the
externally imposed law, in the other between some particular desire
of the man and his consciousness of something absolutely desirable,
we naturally represent in English, when we reflect on it, by the
common term 'must.' 'I _must_ connect with the main drainage,' says
the householder to himself, reflecting on an edict of the Local
Board. 'I _must_ try to get A.B. to leave off drinking,' he says to
himself, reflecting on a troublesome moral duty of benevolence to his
neighbour. And if the 'must' in the former case represents in part
the knowledge that compulsion may be put on the man who neglects to
do what he must, which is no part of its meaning in the second, on
the other hand the consciousness that the constraint is for a common
good, which wholly constitutes the power over inclination in the
second case, must always be an element in that obedience which is
properly called obedience to law, or civil or political obedience.
Simple fear can never constitute such obedience. To represent it as
the basis of civil subjection is to confound the citizen with the
slave, and to represent the motive which is needed for the restraint
of those in whom the civil sense is lacking, and for the occasional
reinforcements of the law-abiding principle in others, as if it were
the normal influence in habits of life of which the essential value
lies in their being independent of it. How far in any particular act
of conformity to law the fear of penalties may be operative, it is
impossible to say. What is certain is, that a habit of subjection
founded upon such fear could not be a basis of political or free
society; for to this it is necessary, not indeed that everyone
subject to the laws should take part in voting them, still less
that he should consent to their application to himself, but that it
should represent an idea of common good, which each member of the
society can make his own so far as he is rational, i.e.
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