Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
170. It will be said, perhaps, that these formal arguments in proof
of the wrong-doing involved in war, and of the unjustifiability
of the policy which nations constantly adopt in defence of their
apparent interests, carry very little conviction; that a state is
not an abstract complex of institutions for the maintenance of
rights, but a nation, a people, possessing such institutions; that
the nation has its passions which inevitably lead it to judge all
questions of international right from its own point of view, and to
consider its apparent national interests as justifying anything;
that if it were otherwise, if the cosmopolitan point of view could
be adopted by nations, patriotism would be at an end; that whether
this be desirable or no, such an extinction of national passions is
impossible; that while they continue, wars are as inevitable between
nations as they would be between individuals, if individuals were
living in what philosophers have imagined to be the state of nature,
without recognition of a common superior; that nations in short are
in the position of men judging their own causes, which it is admitted
that no one can do impartially; and that this state of things cannot
be altered without the establishment of a common constraining power,
which would mean the extinction of the life of independent states,--a
result as undesirable as it is unattainable. Projects of perpetual
peace, to be logical, must be projects of all-embracing empire.
171. There is some cogency in language of this kind. It is true
that when we speak of a state as a living agency, we mean, not an
institution or complex of institutions, but a nation organised in
a certain way; and that members of the nation in their corporate
or associated action are animated by certain passions, arising out
of their association, which, though not egoistic relatively to the
individual subjects of them (for they are motives to self-sacrifice),
may, in their influence on the dealings of one nation with another,
have an effect analogous to that which egoistic passions, properly
so called, have upon the dealings of individuals with each other.
On the other hand, it must be remembered that the national passion,
which in any good sense is simply the public spirit of the good
citizen, may take, and every day is taking, directions which lead
to no collision between one nation and another; (or, to say the
same thing negatively, that it is utterly false to speak as if the
desire for one's own nation to show more military strength than
others were the only or the right form of patriotism); and that
though a nation, with national feeling of its own, must everywhere
underlie a state, properly so called, yet still, just so far as the
perfect organisation of rights within each nation, which entitles
it to be called a state, is attained, the occasions of conflict
between nations disappear; and again, that by the same process, just
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