Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
188. But does our theory, after all has been said about the
wrongness of punishment that is not just, afford any standard for
the apportionment of just punishment, any criterion of the amount of
interference with a criminal's personal rights that is appropriate to
his crime, except such as is afforded by a prevalent impression among
men as to what is necessary for their security? Can we construe it so
as to afford such a criterion, without at the same time condemning
a great deal of punishment which yet society could be never brought
to dispense with? Does it really admit of being applied at all in
the presence of the admitted impossibility of ascertaining the
degree of moral guilt of criminals, as depending on their state of
character or habitual motives? How, according to it, can we justify
punishments inflicted in the case of 'culpable negligence,' e.g. when
an engine-driver, by careless driving, for which we think very little
the worse of him, is the occasion of a bad accident, and is heavily
punished in consequence?
189. It is true that there can be no _a priori_ criterion of just
punishment, except of an abstract and negative kind. We may say that
no punishment is just, unless the rights which it serves to protect
are powers on the part of individuals or corporations of which the
general maintenance is necessary to the well-being of society on
the whole, and unless the terror which the punishment is calculated
to inspire is necessary for their maintenance. For a positive and
detailed criterion of just punishment, we must wait till a system
of rights has been established in which the claims of all men, as
founded on their capacities for contributing to social well-being,
are perfectly harmonised, and till experience has shown the degree
and kind of terror with which men must be affected in order to the
suppression of the anti-social tendencies which might lead to the
violation of such a system of rights. And this is perhaps equivalent
to saying that no complete criterion of just punishment can be
arrived at till punishment is no longer necessary; for the state of
things supposed could scarcely be realised without bringing with it
an extinction of the tendencies which state-punishment is needed to
suppress. Meanwhile there is no method of approximation to justice
in punishment but that which consists in gradually making the system
of established rights just, i.e. in harmonising the true claims of
all men, and in discovering by experience the really efficient means
of restraining tendencies to violation of rights. An intentional
violation of a right must be punished, whether the right violated
is one that should be a right or no, on the principle that social
well-being suffers more from violation of any established right,
whatever the nature of the right, than from the establishment as a
right of a power which should not be so established; and it can only
be punished in the way which for the time is thought most efficient
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