Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
192. The answer is: As regards heaviness of punishment, it is not in
the power of the state to regulate the amount of pain which it causes
to the person whom it punishes. If it could only punish justly by
making this pain proportionate in each case to the depravity implied
in the crime, it could not punish justly at all. The amount of pain
which any kind of punishment causes to the particular person depends
on his temperament and circumstances, which neither the state nor
its agent, the judge, can ascertain. But if it could be ascertained,
and if (which is equally impossible) the amount of depravity implied
in each particular crime could be ascertained likewise in order to
make the pain of the punishment proportionate to the depravity,
a different punishment would have to be inflicted in each case
according to the temperament and circumstances of the criminal. There
would be an end to all general rules of punishment.
193. In truth, however, the state in its capacity as the sustainer
of rights (and it is in this capacity that it punishes) has nothing
to do with the amount of moral depravity in the criminal, and the
primary reference in punishment, as inflicted by the state, is not
to the effect of the punishment on the person punished but to its
effect on others. The considerations determining its amount should
be prospective rather than retrospective. In the crime a right has
been violated. No punishment can undo what has been done, or make
good the wrong to the person who has suffered. What it can do is
to make less likely the doing of a similar wrong in other cases.
Its object, therefore, is not to cause pain to the criminal for the
sake of causing it, nor chiefly for the sake of preventing him,
individually, from committing the crime again, but to associate
terror with the contemplation of the crime in the mind of others
who might be tempted to commit it. And this object, unlike that of
making the pain of the punishment commensurate with the guilt of the
criminal, is in the main attainable. The effect of the spectacle
of punishment on the onlooker is independent of any minute inquiry
into the degree to which it affects the particular criminal. The
attachment of equal penalties to offences that are alike in respect
of the importance of the rights which they violate, and in respect
of the ordinary temptations to them, will, on the whole, lead to
the association of an equal amount of terror with the prospect of
committing like offences in the public mind. When the circumstances,
indeed, of two criminals guilty of offences alike in both the above
respects are very greatly and obviously different, so different as to
make the operation of the same penalty upon them very conspicuously
different, then the penalty may be varied without interfering with
its terrifying effect on the public mind. We will suppose e.g. that
a fraud on the part of a respectable banker is equivalent, both in
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