Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
on this account, not as a purely moral duty on the part of a parent,
but as the prevention of a hindrance to the capacity for rights on
the part of children, that education should be enforced by the state.
It may be objected, indeed, that in enforcing it we are departing in
regard to the parents from the principle above laid down; that we are
interfering with the spontaneous action of social interests, though
we are doing so with a view to promoting this spontaneous action
in another generation. But the answer to this objection is, that a
law of compulsory education, if the preferences, ecclesiastical or
otherwise, of those parents who show any practical sense of their
responsibility are duly respected, is from the beginning only felt
as compulsion by those in whom, so far as this social function is
concerned, there is no spontaneity to be interfered with; and that in
the second generation, though the law with its penal sanctions still
continues, it is not felt as a law, as an enforcement of action by
penalties, at all.
210. On the same principle the freedom of contract ought probably
to be more restricted in certain directions than is at present the
case. The freedom to do as they like on the part of one set of men
may involve the ultimate disqualification of many others, or of a
succeeding generation, for the exercise of rights. This applies most
obviously to such kinds of contract or traffic as affect the health
and housing of the people, the growth of population relatively to
the means of subsistence, and the accumulation or distribution of
landed property. In the hurry of removing these restraints on free
dealing between man and man, which have arisen partly perhaps from
some confused idea of maintaining morality, but much more from the
power of class-interests, we have been apt to take too narrow a view
of the range of persons--not one generation merely, but succeeding
generations--whose freedom ought to be taken into account, and of
the conditions necessary to their freedom ('freedom' here meaning
their qualification for the exercise of rights). Hence the massing
of population without regard to conditions of health; unrestrained
traffic in deleterious commodities; unlimited upgrowth of the class
of hired labourers in particular industries which circumstances have
suddenly stimulated, without any provision against the danger of an
impoverished proletariate in following generations. Meanwhile, under
pretence of allowing freedom of bequest and settlement, a system has
grown up which prevents the landlords of each generation from being
free either in the government of their families or in the disposal of
their land, and aggravates the tendency to crowd into towns, as well
as the difficulties of providing healthy house-room, by keeping land
in a few hands. It would be out of place here to consider in detail
the remedies for these evils, or to discuss the question how far it
is well to trust to the initiative of the state or of individuals in
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