Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
Still, without that principle
it could not have come into existence, nor would it have any moral
justification at all.
218. It accords with the account given of this principle that the
right of property, like every other form of right, should first
appear within societies founded on kinship, these being naturally
the societies within which the restraining conception of a common
well-being is first operative. We are apt indeed to think of the
state of things in which the members of a family or clan hold land
and stock in common, as the antithesis of one in which rights
of property exist. In truth it is the earliest stage of their
existence, because the most primitive form of society in which the
fruit of his labour is secured to the individual by the society,
under the influence of the conception of a common well-being. The
characteristic of primitive communities is not the absence of
distinction between 'meum' and 'tuum,' without which no society of
intelligent as opposed to instinctive agents would be possible at
all, but the common possession of certain materials, in particular
land, on which labour may be expended. It is the same common interest
which prevents the separate appropriation of these materials, and
which secures the individual in the enjoyment and use of that which
his labour can extract from them.
219. From the moral joint of view, however, the clan-system is
defective, because under it the restraint imposed upon the individual
by his membership of a society is not, and has not the opportunity
of becoming, a self-imposed restraint, a free obedience, to which,
though the alternative course is left open to him, the individual
submits, because he conceives it as his true good. The area within
which he can shape his own circumstances is not sufficient to allow
of the opposite possibilities of right and wrong being presented to
him, and thus of his learning to love right for its own sake. And the
other side of this moral tutelage of the individual, this withholding
from him of the opportunity of being freely determined by recognition
of his moral relations, is the confinement of those relations
themselves, which under the clan-system have no actual existence
except as between members of the same clan. A necessary condition
at once of the growth of a free morality, i.e. a certain behaviour
of men determined by an understanding of moral relations and by the
value which they set on them as understood, and of the conception
of those relations as relations between all men, is that free play
should be given to every man's powers of appropriation. Moral freedom
is not the same thing as a control over the outward circumstances
and appliances of life. It is the end to which such control is a
generally necessary means, and which gives it its value. In order to
obtain this control, men must cease to be limited in their activities
by the customs of the clan. The range of their appropriations must
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