Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 1Tilden, Samuel J. (Samuel Jones)
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Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 1
Tilden, Samuel J. (Samuel Jones)
Tilden, Samuel J. (Samuel Jones), 1814-1886
"I am inspired with confidence from the information I get from
Washington that things, as they appear there, are not _worsening_ for
me, and if the business at the delegate meeting is done as it ought to
be my prospects will be much improved.
"Yours truly,
"W. L. MARCY.
"_Saml. J. Tilden, Esq._"
MARTIN VAN BUREN TO S. J. TILDEN
"LINDENWALD, _Sept. 17th, '52_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--Accept my thanks for your attention to my stock affair.
Please deposit the balance to my credit in Mr. Worth's bank. I regret
your inability to visit me, as I long to have an old-fashioned chat
with you.
"In haste,
"Very truly yours,
"M. VAN BUREN."
TILDEN TO----
SUGGESTION FOR PRESIDENT PIERCE IN THE ORGANIZATION AND CONDUCT OF HIS
ADMINISTRATION
"NEW YORK, _Jany. 15th, 1853_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the copy of Hawthorne's _Memoirs_. It
would have reminded me, if I had forgotten, that I promised to write
you my views on the subject of our conversation when I last had the
pleasure to see you. I should have done so earlier, but engagements,
which it is no exaggeration to call incessant, have left me no
opportunity.
"The preliminary question is, on what general theory is the new
administration to be formed? Is the Cabinet to be composed of those
who are commonly regarded as Presidential men--who were candidates for
the recent nomination--and are surrounded by the affiliations which
naturally grow up around those occupying that position? It seems to
me that this would be attempting to stand steadily and firmly on a
half-dozen different stools. The President might himself look after
the success of his administration, while his constitutional helpers
were thinking how each measure and each appointment would affect their
pretensions to the succession; or he might content himself with the
formal honor of presiding over the councils of these heads of factions.
But, in my judgment, he ought to be--not what Victoria is in the
British government, not a grand Elector, as Sieyès would have made
Napoleon, not a mere chooser of the actual rulers--but the real and
responsible head of the administration. That he may be such, he should
have, as far as practicable, a Cabinet able to perform its duty towards
him, faithfully and effectively, and not inviting by the aspirations of
its members internal dissension or external hostility. In the last term
of an administration, it may be difficult to exclude pretensions to the
succession. But why incur the embarrassments which they never fail to
generate, during a first term, unless it be certain that it is also the
last! And is it to be now assumed that the Democracy will look from the
candidate through whom it solved the difficulties of a choice at the
last convention, and to candidates through whom it found itself unable
to solve those difficulties? It is not clear that the party can, after
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