to which certain courses of conduct will expose them at the hands of belligerents, and to inform them that the British Government will not protect them against such treatment. The reason why our Government will abstain from interference is, not that such courses of action are offences either against international or English law, but that it has no right to so interfere; having become a party to a rule of international law, under which a neutral Government waives the right, which it would otherwise possess, to protect the trade of its subjects from molestation. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, November 28 (1904). THE BRITISH PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY Sir,--Enquiries which have reached me with reference to the observations which I recently addressed to you upon the British Proclamation of Neutrality induce me to think that some account of the development of the text of the proclamation now in use may be of interest to your readers. The proclamations with which I am acquainted conform to one or other of two main types, each of which has its history. 1. The earlier proclamations merely call attention to the English law against enlistments, &c., for foreign service; and command obedience to the law, upon pain of the penalties thereby inflicted, "and of his Majesty's high displeasure." In the proclamation of 1817, the tacit reference is doubtless to certain Acts of George II, which, having been passed for a very different purpose, and having proved inadequate in their new application, were repealed by the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1819. This is the Act to which reference is made in the proclamations of 1823 and 1825; in the former of which we first get a recital of neutrality; while in the latter the clause enjoining all subjects strictly to observe the duties of neutrality and to respect the exercise of belligerent rights first makes its appearance.