Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Liberalism -- Great Britain
On the other side, the individual owes more to the community than is
always recognized. Under modern conditions he is too much inclined to
take for granted what the State does for him and to use the personal
security and liberty of speech which it affords him as a vantage ground
from which he can in safety denounce its works and repudiate its
authority. He assumes the right to be in or out of the social system as
he chooses. He relies on the general law which protects him, and
emancipates himself from some particular law which he finds oppressive
to his conscience. He forgets or does not take the trouble to reflect
that, if every one were to act as he does, the social machine would come
to a stop. He certainly fails to make it clear how a society would
subsist in which every man should claim the right of unrestricted
disobedience to a law which he happens to think wrong. In fact, it is
possible for an over-tender conscience to consort with an insufficient
sense of social responsibility. The combination is unfortunate; and we
may fairly say that, if the State owes the utmost consideration to the
conscience, its owner owes a corresponding debt to the State. With such
mutual consideration, and with the development of the civic sense,
conflicts between law and conscience are capable of being brought within
very narrow limits, though their complete reconciliation will always
remain a problem until men are generally agreed as to the fundamental
conditions of the social harmony.
It may be asked, on the other hand, whether in insisting on the free
development of personality we have not understated the duty of society
to its members. We all admit a collective responsibility for children.
Are there not grown-up people who stand just as much in need of care?
What of the idiot, the imbecile, the feeble-minded or the drunkard? What
does rational self-determination mean for these classes? They may injure
no one but themselves except by the contagion of bad example. But have
we no duty towards them, having in view their own good alone and leaving
every other consideration aside? Have we not the right to take the
feeble-minded under our care and to keep the drunkard from drink, purely
for their own good and apart from every ulterior consideration? And, if
so, must we not extend the whole sphere of permissible coercion, and
admit that a man may for his own sake and with no ulterior object, be
compelled to do what we think right and avoid what we think wrong?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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