Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Liberalism -- Great Britain
Nevertheless, it may be thought that the system that I have outlined is
no better than a vast organization of State charity, and that as such it
must carry the consequences associated with charity on a large scale. It
must dry up the sources of energy and undermine the independence of the
individual. On the first point, I have already referred to certain
cogent arguments for a contrary view. What the State is doing, what it
would be doing if the whole series of contemplated changes were carried
through to the end, would by no means suffice to meet the needs of the
normal man. He would still have to labour to earn his own living. But he
would have a basis to go upon, a sub-structure on which it would be
possible for him to rear the fabric of a real sufficiency. He would have
greater security, a brighter outlook, a more confident hope of being
able to keep his head above water. The experience of life suggests that
hope is a better stimulus than fear, confidence a better mental
environment than insecurity. If desperation will sometimes spur men to
exceptional exertion the effect is fleeting, and, for a permanence, a
more stable condition is better suited to foster that blend of restraint
and energy which makes up the tissue of a life of normal health. There
would be those who would abuse their advantages as there are those who
abuse every form of social institution. But upon the whole it is thought
that individual responsibility can be more clearly fixed and more
rigorously insisted on when its legitimate sphere is properly defined,
that is to say, when the burden on the shoulders of the individual is
not too great for average human nature to bear.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account