Liberty in the modern stateLaski, Harold J. (Harold Joseph)
Science
Liberty in the modern state
Laski, Harold J. (Harold Joseph)
Liberty; Political science
For the real meaning of democratic government is the equal weighing
of individual claims to happiness by social institutions. A society
built upon economic inequality cannot attempt that sort of measure.
Consciously or unconsciously, it starts from the assumption that there
is a greater right in some claims than in others. It cannot be said
that response to claims is made in terms of justice. The nature of
economic inequality is a compulsion to respond to effective demand,
and this pays no regard to science on the one hand, or to need upon
the other. It thinks only of the presence of purchasing power and not
of its connotation in terms of social purpose. The whole productive
scheme is thereby tilted to the favour of those who possess the power
to make their wants effective. There is cake for some before there is
bread for all. The palace neighbours the slum. And those who find that
their wants do not secure attention are, inevitably, tempted to an
examination of the moral foundations of such a society. Their interest
drives them to demand its reconstruction in terms of those wants.
Liberty means, in such a context, the power continuously to exercise
initiative in social reconstruction. The whole ethos which surrounds
their effort is that of equality. They search for freedom for no other
end but this.
I do not need to remind you that most observers who have sought
to estimate the significance of the democratic movement have seen
that equality is the key to its understanding. That was the case
with Tocqueville; it was the case with John Stuart Mill; and, in a
famous lecture which reads now as though it was the utterance of a
prophet,[46] it was the case, also, with Matthew Arnold. Broadly, their
insight converged towards a recognition of three important things. They
realized, first, that in any society where power is gravely unequal,
the character and intelligence of those at the base is unnaturally
depressed. The community loses by this in two ways. The energy and
capacity of which it might make use are not released for action; and
the concentration of effective power in a few hands means that the
wishes, opinions, needs, of the majority do not receive sufficient
consideration. An aristocracy, whether of birth, or creed, or wealth,
always suffers from self-sufficiency. It is inaccessible to ideals
which originate from without itself. It tends to think them unimportant
if they are urged tactfully, and dangerous if they are urged with
vigour. It is so accustomed to the idea of its own superiority, that it
is resentful of considerations which inquire into the validity of that
assumption. It may be generous, charitable, kind; but the surrounding
principle of those qualities is always their exercise as of grace and
not in justice. An aristocracy, in a word, is the prisoner of its own
power, and that the most completely when men begin to question its
authority. It does not know how to act wisely at the very moment when
it most requires wise action.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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