Liberty in the modern stateLaski, Harold J. (Harold Joseph)
Science
Liberty in the modern state
Laski, Harold J. (Harold Joseph)
Liberty; Political science
An unequal society always lives in fear, and with a sense of impending
disaster in its heart. The effect of this atmosphere is clear enough.
We have only to examine the history of France after the death of Louis
XIV to realize exactly what it implies. Everyone who seeks to penetrate
below the surface sees some vast calamity ahead. It may be a visitor
like Chesterfield, a timid lawyer like Barbier, an ex-minister like
D’Argenson, a philosopher like Voltaire. The government itself, and
those with whom it is allied, has a perception that something new is
abroad. They fear the novelty and they seek to suppress it, in the
belief that a bold front and an adequate severity will stem the tide of
critical scepticism. But neither boldness nor severity can stem that
tide. The government falters for a moment on the verge of concession:
there is an hour when the ministry of Turgot seemed likely to
inaugurate an era of conciliation. It is too late because the price of
conciliation is the sacrifice of precisely the vested interests with
which the government is in partnership. So the ancient régime moves
relentlessly to its destruction. It is forced to consult those whose
experience it had never taken into account in the hope of salvation;
and they find that, if they are to fulfil, they must also destroy.
That is, other things being equal, the inevitable history of such
societies. Their mental habits resemble nothing so much as the
horrified timidity which persuaded Hobbes to find in despotism the
only cure for social disagreement. They are afraid of reason, for this
involves an examination into their own prerogative and, as at least
probable, a denunciation of the title by which it is preserved. They
are afraid of concession, because they see in it an admission of the
weakness of their case. They magnify scepticism into sedition and they
accuse even their friends who doubt the virtue of severity of betraying
the allegiance which is their due. They cannot see that men will not
accept the state as the appointed conscience of the nation unless they
conceive themselves to possess a full share of its benefits. They
minimize the sufferings of others, because they do not have experience
of them, and they magnify their own virtues that they may gain
confidence in themselves. They distort history, and call it patriotism;
they repress the expression of grievance and call it the maintenance
of law and order. In such a society, the governors appear to their
subjects as dwellers in another world; and communication between them
lacks the vivifying quality of fellowship. For the truth of one party
is never sufficiently the truth of another for the members to talk a
common language. Every vehemence becomes a threat; and by a kind of
mad logic every threat is taken as an act of treason. The society is
unbalanced because justice is not its habitation. Even its generosity
will be resented because it has not known how to be just.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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