Life and literature in the Roman republicFrank, Tenney
History
Life and literature in the Roman republic
Frank, Tenney
Latin literature -- History and criticism; Rome -- Intellectual life
The belief in a golden age of the past had come from several sources:
from Hesiodic genealogies of gods and “heroes,” from an early naïve
faith in the actuality of Homeric descriptions, from the tendency of
parents to contrast the morals of a new generation with the refurbished
and selected memories of their youth, and from the utopian pictures of
romances conveniently placed in the far away and long-ago. All these
things and others begot the “golden age” of Chronos’ day. The Romans
had found such tales plausible. They too had a splendid tradition of
ancestral heroes who had undoubtedly possessed the sterling qualities of
a simple puritan-agrarian primitivism—capacity to endure hardship and
pain, family devotion, loyalty, and abstinence—that later Romans admired
but too often missed in contemporary life. In their conquests of the
world they had come into contact with many uncivilized peoples and had
had occasion to note these very qualities in all unadvanced peoples.[7]
They had evidence in the ruins of the decayed villages of Latium that
the soil no longer bore the population it once had, and the conclusion
was ready at hand, as Lucretius himself points out, that mother earth
was not so fruitful as she had been in her youth. Furthermore, when they
happened upon the tombs of the prehistoric age,[8] especially the vaults
of Etruscan princes, they found in many of them the lavish furniture of
gold and silver and bronze-ware that led them to accept the Hesiodic
chronology—doubtless based in part on similar observations in Boeotia—of
a seeming succession of gold, silver, bronze, and iron periods.
Accordingly, there were reasons enough for accepting the well-known
utopian fancies of the Greek poets. Lucretius himself did not wholly free
himself of these beliefs. The Ennian portraits of the ancient heroes, and
the description of primitive simplicity appealed strongly to him. He did
not think that the Romans he had seen in the days of the Sullan massacres
and the Catilinarian conspiracy were the moral equals of those of an
earlier day. In point of fact they were not. There had been a noticeable
decline.
Nevertheless, as we have seen, the theory of evolution which he adopted
made it possible for him to observe that in some respects civilization
had actually meant progress, that in the arts, in the domain of thought,
in the institutions of government and law there had been a real advance.
In his fifth book[9] he remarks in an intimate note that betrays his own
personal observations:
Wherefore even now some arts are receiving their last polish,
some are even in course of growth: just now many improvements
have been made in ships; only yesterday musicians have given
birth to tuneful melodies; then too this nature or system of
things has been discovered lately, and I the very first of all
have only now been found able to transfer it into native words.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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