‘Why should we fight? We have nothing to fight for; we have everything we can wish for; we are living in a labourers’ paradise; we are as free as we have never been in our own country; we are prosperous, and pay only 18s. 6d. a year in taxes--that is when we choose to do so. What do we care about the franchise, we are in this country to make money, and we are making it hand over fist. We did not come here to engage in political strife, or to fight the battles of scheming and plotting capitalists who would reward us when once they are in power, by combining against us, and bringing us down to the low level in which our brethren in Europe and America have been brought by capitalists. No, Messrs Cecil Rhodes, Phillips, Leonard, Farrar and company will have to fight their own battles, _we_ are not going to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them, and then be kicked for our pains--_dead off_!’ Thus the honest Cornishmen and other miners argued. But all the same these miners were patriotic enough, or maybe they did not feel interest in the subject enough to take any active part in the strife at all; be the reason what it may, they refused to take the part of either side, and many of them left the country altogether for the time being. We think, if any were required, this was argument enough, that the real working men, _the people_ (who are generally the first to revolutionise, where revolution is wanted), refused absolutely to have anything to do with this so-called revolution. Not only did they refuse to fight gratuitously, but when the option was given them, either to take up arms or to clear, they chose the latter alternative. This, we say, was argument enough to show that the revolution--so-called--was simply a capitalistic plot, created with mercenary motives. The leaders--self-elected--of the National Union had assumed another name by this time; they now called themselves the ‘Reform Committee’--a name which was to become notorious indeed all the world over a little later on. To gain as much influence as possible both with the outside world as with the local populace, they added to themselves the names of most of the leading men of the Rand. Many of the latter, although members of the Reform Committee, and advertised as such, were innocent of any evil intentions. Some refused absolutely to figure as members, while others consented to their names being used when assured by the original conspirators that nothing unconstitutional would be done, and that they would only agitate for certain concessions from the Government. These deluded persons of course had to suffer for their weakness later on.