Life of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United StatesCrosby, Frank
History
Life of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United States
Crosby, Frank
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865
“But in a larger sense we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate,
we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or
detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us,
the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work
that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us
to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that
from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for
which they here gave the last full measure of devotion--that we
here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain, that
the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that
the government of the people, by the people, and for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.”
CHAPTER XVII.
THE THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
Organization of the House--Different Opinions as to
Reconstruction--Provisions for Pardon of Rebels--President’s
Proclamation of Pardon--Annual Message--Explanatory Proclamation.
Upon the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Congress, December 7th,
1863--that Congress, in the lower branch of which the Opposition had
counted upon a majority--the supporters of the Government found no
difficulty in electing their candidates for Speaker by a majority of
twenty, nor a radical anti-slavery man as Chaplain, albeit against the
latter was offered as candidate an Episcopalian Bishop, nameless here,
who had had the effrontery since the outbreak of the war to appear
before the public as a defender of the institution upon Christian
principles.
With the success of our arms--movements toward an organization of the
local governments in the States of Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas
being in progress--the difficult question as to the principles upon
which such reorganization should be effected presented itself for
settlement.
Some took the ground that, by virtue of their rebellion, the disloyal
States had lapsed into mere territorial organizations, and should
remain in that condition until again admitted into the Union.
Others contended that this would be, in effect, to recognise
secession, and maintained that, whatever might have been the acts of
the inhabitants of any State, the State as such still constituted an
integral member of the Union, entitled to all privileges as such,
whenever a sufficient number of loyal citizens chose to exercise the
right of suffrage--the General Government seeing to it, as was its
duty under the Constitution, that a republican form was guarantied. As
to what number of loyal inhabitants should suffice, opinions differed.
Congress had provided, by an act approved July 17, 1862:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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