report was current, and was actually believed, that the Prince had been impeached for high treason and sent to the Tower. Thousands of people assembled outside to see his entrance. If this had been the condition of the public mind before the war began, it is not difficult to imagine that the disease of suspicion and distrust broke out again after the beginning of hostilities, when there was so much to criticise in the organization of the War Department at home. The public wanted a victim, some one to wreak their anger upon, and the Prince served them for this purpose. Even so well informed a politician, and so able a man as Mr. Roebuck, believed, and openly said to the Duke of Newcastle, the War Minister, that of course every one knew that there was a determination “in a high quarter” that the Crimean expedition should not succeed. The Duke thought that the expression, “a high quarter,” was directed against himself, and said so. “Oh, no,” answered Mr. Roebuck, “I mean a much higher personage than you; I mean Prince Albert.” The Duke immediately endeavored to remove this entirely false impression, and asked Mr. Roebuck if he were not aware that the Queen had been ill with anxiety about her troops. The reply was that no one doubted the Queen’s devotion to her country; that when Lord Cardigan was at Windsor, one of the Royal children had said to him, “You must hurry back to Sebastopol and take it, else it will kill mamma.” Yet almost in the same breath Mr. Roebuck maintained that the Prince was working behind the Queen’s back against the efficient organization of the army, in order to prevent the success of her troops. An expression made use of by the Prince in a public speech, towards the close of the Crimean War, June, 1855, has become historical. He contrasted the autocratic power of the Czar of Russia, characterized by unity of purpose and action, and when desirable by secrecy, with the Parliamentary Government of the Queen, where every movement of the army or navy, and every stage of every diplomatic negotiation are publicly proclaimed, and have to be explained and defended in Parliament; and he concluded by saying that “Constitutional Government was on its trial,” and could only come through it triumphantly if the country granted a patriotic and indulgent confidence to the Ministry. This was twisted by the Prince’s enemies into an attack on the principles of constitutionalism; but it really was an appeal to the good sense and patriotism of the nation, on which, at bottom, Parliamentary Government must rest.