Life of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President of the United States. v. 1 (of 2)Curtis, George Ticknor
History
Life of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President of the United States. v. 1 (of 2)
Curtis, George Ticknor
Buchanan, James, 1791-1868
The Constitution requires that the President of the United States
“shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state
of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he
shall judge necessary and expedient.” This information is intended not
only for the use of Congress, but of the people. They are the source of
all power, and from their impulse all legitimate legislation must
proceed. Both Congress and the people must be informed of the state of
our foreign relations by the executive. If the President cannot speak
freely to them upon this subject; if he cannot give them all the
information which may be necessary to enable them to act, except under
the penalty of offending a foreign government, the Constitution of the
United States, to this extent, becomes a dead letter. The maintenance of
this principle is an indispensable condition of our existence, under the
present form of Government.
If we are engaged in any controversy with a foreign nation, it is not
only the right, but it is the imperative duty, of the President to
communicate the facts to Congress, however much they may operate against
that nation. Can we then, for a single moment, permit a foreign
government to demand an apology from the President for performing one of
his highest duties to the people of the United States?
Let us put an extreme case. Suppose the President, after giving a
history of our wrongs to Congress, recommends not merely a resort to
reprisals, but to war, against another nation. Shall this nation, which
has inflicted upon us injury, be permitted to change her position, to
cancel all our claims for justice, and to insist that we have become the
aggressors, because a resort to arms has been recommended? I feel the
most perfect confidence that not a single Senator will ever consent to
yield this position to France or to any other nation. I need not labor
this question. The subject has been placed in the clearest and strongest
light by Mr. Livingston, in his letter to the Duke de Broglie of the
25th of April.
If any possible exemption to the rule could be tolerated, surely this
would not present the case. The Duke de Broglie himself, in his letter
to Mr. Pageot, is constrained to admit that there is not a single
offensive sentence respecting France in the message; but yet he
complains of the general effect of the whole.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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