Life of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President of the United States. v. 2 (of 2)Curtis, George Ticknor
History
Life of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President of the United States. v. 2 (of 2)
Curtis, George Ticknor
Buchanan, James, 1791-1868
It is needless to say, that neither the Ostend conference nor the
cabinet at Washington gave any countenance to this policy. The
Ostend conference looked at the Cuba question solely from an
American point of view, and quite disconnected from the conflicts
and interests of European politics, or the aspirations of
revolutionary leaders. On this account, so far from that policy
receiving the favor of the Red Republicans, they were as pointed
in their hostility to it as any of the monarchical organs of
Europe, and did not hesitate to privately, and sometimes publicly,
denounce Mr. Soulé for having signed the Ostend circular, as
recreant to the expectations which they had formed in regard to
him. Mr. Buchanan from first to last opposed the policy which
would lead to the United States becoming involved in the European
struggle, and held strictly to the American view of the question,
in accordance with which the Ostend letter was framed.
The conference at Ostend had its origin in the recommendation of
Governor Marcy, who justly conceived that the mission with which
Mr. Soulé was charged at the court of Spain might excite the
jealousy of other European powers, and that it was important for
the purpose of facilitating the negotiations there to be
conducted, that explanations should be made to the governments of
England and France, of the objects and purposes of the United
States in any movement that events might render necessary, having
in view the ultimate purchase or acquisition by this government of
the Spanish Island of Cuba. The object of the consultation
suggested by Mr. Marcy was, as stated in a letter to Mr. Soulé,
“to bring the common wisdom and knowledge of the three ministers
to bear simultaneously upon the negotiations at Madrid, London and
Paris.” These negotiations had not necessarily in view the
transfer of Cuba to this country; though that was one of the modes
indicated, and seemingly the most effective, of terminating the
constantly recurring grievances upon the commerce of the United
States, upon the honor of its flag, and the personal rights of its
citizens, which disturbed the cordial relations of the two
countries, and infused acrimony into their intercourse connected
with the prosecution of commerce. Another expedient which Governor
Marcy regarded with favor, was the independence of the Island
under the Creole sovereignty. At that time, in the summer of 1854,
apprehensions of some important change in the social and political
condition and relations of Cuba, were generally felt in this
country. Rumors prevailed, founded on the then recent decrees and
modifications of law pertaining to the servile condition, that it
was in contemplation to establish the domination of the blacks in
the Island; that the slaves were to be freed and armed, and that
an extensive introduction of native Africans was to be resorted to
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