Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.Scott, Walter
History
Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.
Scott, Walter
France -- History -- 1789-1815; Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821
marched into Paris, and put down the insurrection by the armed hand of
authority, or fallen in the attempt, like the representative of Henry
IV. His duty called upon him, and the authority with which he was
invested enabled him, to act this part; which, in all probability, would
have dismayed the factious, encouraged the timid, decided the wavering,
and, by obtaining a conquest over lawless and brute violence, would have
paved the way for a moderate and secure reformation in the state.
But having obtained this victory, in the name of the law of the realm,
the King could only be vindicated in having resorted to arms, by using
his conquest with such moderation, as to show that he threw his sword
into the one scale, solely in order to balance the clubs and poniards of
popular insurrection with which the other was loaded. He must then have
evinced that he did not mean to obstruct the quiet course of moderation
and constitutional reform, in stemming that of headlong and violent
innovation. Many disputes would have remained to be settled between him
and his subjects; but the process of improving the constitution, though
less rapid, would have been more safe and certain, and the kingdom of
France might have attained a degree of freedom equal to that which she
now possesses, without passing through a brief but dreadful anarchy to
long years of military despotism, without the loss of mines of treasure,
and without the expenditure of oceans of blood. To those who object the
peril of this course, and the risk to the person of the sovereign from
the fury of the insurgents, we can only answer, in the words of the
elder Horatius, _Qu'il mourût_.[90] Prince or peasant have alike lived
long enough, when the choice comes to be betwixt loss of life and an
important duty undischarged. Death, at the head of his troops, would
have saved Louis more cruel humiliation, his subjects a deeper crime.
We do not affect to deny, that in this course there was considerable
risk of another kind, and that it is very possible that the King,
susceptible as he was to the influence of those around him, might have
lain under strong temptation to have resumed the despotic authority, of
which he had in a great measure divested himself, and have thus abused a
victory gained over insurrection into a weapon of tyranny. But the
spirit of liberty was so strong in France, the principles of leniency
and moderation so natural to the King, his own late hazards so great,
and the future, considering the general disposition of his subjects, so
doubtful, that we are inclined to think a victory by the sovereign at
that moment would have been followed by temperate measures. How the
people used theirs is but too well known. At any rate, we have strongly
stated our opinion, that Louis would, at this crisis, have been
justified in employing force to compel order, but that the crime would
have been deep and inexpiable had he abused a victory to restore
despotism.
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