Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.Scott, Walter
History
Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.
Scott, Walter
France -- History -- 1789-1815; Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821
The earnest admiration of either party of the state is sure in England
to be balanced by the censure of the other, and leads to an immediate
trial of strength betwixt them. The popular side is always the more
loud, the more active, the more imposing of the two contending parties.
It is formidable, from the body of talents which it exhibits, (for those
ambitious of distinction are usually friends to innovation,) and from
the unanimity and vigour with which it can wield them. There may be, and
indeed always are, great differences in the point to which each leader
is desirous to carry reformation; but they are unanimous in desiring its
commencement. The Opposition, also, as it is usually termed, has always
included several of the high aristocracy of the country, whose names
ennoble their rank, and whose large fortunes are a pledge that they
will, for their own sakes, be a check upon eager and violent
experimentalists. The Whigs, moreover, have the means of influencing
assemblies of the lower orders, to whom the name of liberty is, and
ought to be dear, since it is the privilege which must console them for
narrow circumstances and inferiority of condition; and these means the
party, so called, often use successfully, always with industry and
assiduity.
The counterbalance to this active and powerful body is to be found,
speaking generally, in the higher classes at large--the great mass of
nobility and gentry--the clergy of the Established Church--the superior
branches of the law--the wealthier of the commercial classes--and the
bulk of those who have property to lose, and are afraid of endangering
it. This body is like the Ban of the Germanic empire, a formidable
force, but slow and diffident in its operations, and requiring the
stimulus of sudden alarm to call it into effective exercise. To one or
other of these great national parties, every Englishman, of education
enough to form an opinion, professes to belong; with a perfect
understanding on the part of all men of sense and probity, that the
general purpose is to ballast the vessel of the state, not to overset
it, and that it becomes a state-treason in any one to follow his party
when they carry their doctrines to extremity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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