Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.Scott, Walter
History
Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume I.
Scott, Walter
France -- History -- 1789-1815; Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821
La Fayette, whose headquarters was at this juncture at Sedan, in vain
endeavoured to animate his soldiers against this new species of
despotism. The Jacobins had their friends and representatives in the
very trustiest of his battalions. He made an effort, however, and a bold
one. He seized on the persons of three deputies, sent to him as
commissioners by the Assembly, to compel submission to their decrees,
and proposed to reserve them as hostages for the King's safety. Several
of his own general officers, the intrepid Desaix amongst others, seemed
willing to support him. Dumouriez, however, the personal enemy of La
Fayette, and ambitious of being his successor in the supreme command,
recognised the decrees of the Assembly in the separate army which he
commanded. His example drew over Luckner, who also commanded an
independent corps d'armée, and who at first seemed disposed to join with
La Fayette.[265]
[Sidenote: LA FAYETTE ESCAPES FROM FRANCE.]
That unfortunate general was at length left unsupported by any
considerable part even of his own army; so that with three friends,
whose names were well known in the Revolution,[266] he was fain to
attempt an escape from France, and, in crossing a part of the enemy's
frontier, they were made prisoners by a party of Prussians.
Fugitives from their own camp for the sake of royalty, they might have
expected refuge in that of the allied kings, who were in arms for the
same object; but, with a littleness of spirit which augured no good for
their cause, the allies determined that these unfortunate gentlemen
should be consigned as state prisoners to different fortresses. This
conduct on the part of the monarchs, however irritated they might be by
the recollection of some part of La Fayette's conduct in the outset of
the Revolution, was neither to be vindicated by morality, the law of
nations, nor the rules of sound policy. We are no approvers of the
democratic species of monarchy which La Fayette endeavoured to
establish, and cannot but be of opinion, that if he had acted upon his
victory in the Champ de Mars, he might have shut up the Jacobin Club,
and saved his own power and popularity from being juggled out of his
hands by those sanguinary charlatans. But errors of judgment must be
pardoned to men placed amidst unheard-of difficulties; and La Fayette's
conduct on his visit to Paris, bore testimony to his real willingness to
save the King and preserve the monarchy. But even if he had been
amenable for a crime against his own country, we know not what right
Austria or Prussia had to take cognizance of it. To them he was a mere
prisoner of war, and nothing farther. Lastly, it is very seldom that a
petty and vindictive line of policy can consist with the real interest
either of great princes or of private individuals. In the present case,
the arrest of La Fayette was peculiarly the contrary. It afforded a
plain proof to France and to all Europe, that the allied monarchs were
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