Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume IV.Scott, Walter
History
Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume IV.
Scott, Walter
France -- History -- 1789-1815; Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821
There was, besides, spread through the Russian nation generally, a sense
that France was treating their Emperor rather on the footing of an
inferior. It is a thing entirely unknown in diplomacy, that one
government should pretend a right to dictate to another who is upon
terms of equality, the conditions on which she should conduct her
commerce; and the assuming such a right, seconded by threatening
language in case of non-compliance, has been always held a legitimate
cause of war. Indeed, the opinion that the French league disgraced the
Russian nation, plunged their country into embarrassments, and was
likely to occasion still farther misfortunes to them, became so general,
that the Emperor must have paid some attention to the wishes of his
people, even if his own friendship with Buonaparte had not been cooled
by late occurrences.
The alliance with Austria was of a character calculated to alarm
Alexander. Russia and Austria, though they had a common interest to
withstand the overpowering strength of Buonaparte, had been in ordinary
times always rivals, and sometimes enemies. It was the interference of
Austria, which, upon several occasions, checked the progress of the
Russians in Turkey, and it was Austria also which formed a barrier
against the increase of their power in the south of Europe. The family
connexion, therefore, formed by Buonaparte with the House of Hapsburg,
made him still more formidable to Russia, as likely to embrace the
quarrels and forward the pretensions of that power against the Czar,
even if France herself should have none to discuss with him.
But there was no need to have recourse to remote causes of suspicion.
Russia had, and must always have had, direct and immediate cause of
jealousy, while France or her Emperor claimed the permanent right of
thinking and deciding for her, as well as other nations, in the
relations of commerce and others, in which every independent state is
most desirous of exercising the right of deliberating for herself. This
was the true state of the case. To remain the ally of Buonaparte,
Alexander must have become his vassal; to attempt to be independent of
him, was to make him his enemy; and it can be no wonder that a
sovereign so proud and powerful as the Czar, chose rather to stand the
hazard of battle, than diminish the lustre, or compromise the
independence, of his ancient crown.
The time, too, for resistance, seemed as favourable as Russia could ever
expect. The war of Spain, though chequered in its fortune, was in no
respect near a sudden end. It occupied 250,000 of the best and oldest
French troops; demanded also an immense expenditure, and diminished, of
course, the power of the French Emperor to carry on the war on the
frontiers of Russia. A conclusion of these wasting hostilities would
have rendered him far more formidable with respect to the quality, as
well as the number, of his disposable forces, and it seemed the interest
of Russia not to wait till that period should arrive.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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