Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of WarStephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
History
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War
Stephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography
Two of the three, Wade and Chandler, were temperamentally incapable of
understanding Lincoln. Both were men of fierce souls; each had but
a very limited experience. Wade had been a country lawyer in Ohio;
Chandler, a prosperous manufacturer in Michigan. They were party men by
instinct, blind to the faults of their own side, blind to the virtues
of their enemies. They were rabid for the control of the government by
their own organized machine.
Of Chandler, in Michigan, it was said that he "carried the Republican
organization in his breeches pocket"; partly through control of the
Federal patronage, which Lincoln frankly conceded to him, partly through
a "judicious use of money."(3) Chandler's first clash with Lincoln was
upon the place that the Republican machine was to hold in the conduct of
the war.
From the beginning Lincoln was resolved that the war should not be
merely a party struggle. Even before he was inaugurated, he said that
he meant to hold the Democrats "close to the Administration on the
naked Union issue."(4) He had added, "We must make it easy for them" to
support the government "because we can't live through the case without
them." This was the foundation of his attempt--so obvious between the
lines of the first message--to create an all-parties government. This,
Chandler violently opposed. Violence was always Chandler's note, so much
so that a scornful opponent once called him "Xantippe in pants."
Lincoln had given Chandler a cause of offense in McClellan's elevation
to the head of the army.* McClellan was a Democrat. There can be little
doubt that Lincoln took the fact into account in selecting him. Shortly
before, Lincoln had aimed to placate the Republicans by showing high
honor to their popular hero, Fremont.
* Strictly speaking he did not become head of the army until
the retirement of Scott in November. Practically, he was
supreme almost from the moment of his arrival in Washington.
When the catastrophe occurred at Bull Run, Fremont was a major-general
commanding the Western Department with headquarters at St. Louis. He
was one of the same violent root-and-branch wing of the Republicans--the
Radicals of a latter day--of which Chandler was a leader. The temper of
that wing had already been revealed by Senator Baker in his startling
pronouncement: "We of the North control the Union, and we are going to
govern our own Union in our own way." Chandler was soon to express it
still more exactly, saying, "A rebel has sacrificed all his rights. He
has no right to life, liberty or the pursuit of happiness."(5) Here
was that purpose to narrowing nationalism into Northernism, even to
radicalism, and to make the war an outlet for a sectional ferocity,
which Lincoln was so firmly determined to prevent. All things
considered, the fact that on the day following Bull Run he did not
summon the Republican hero to Washington, that he did summon a Democrat,
was significant. It opened his long duel with the extremists.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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