Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of WarStephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
History
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War
Stephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography
Lincoln was entirely clear in his own mind that there was but one way
to head off the passion of destruction that was rioting in the Jacobin
temper. "In considering the policy to be adopted in suppressing the
insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable
conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and
remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every case,
thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the
primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which
are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of
the Legislature." He persisted in regarding the war as an insurrection
of the "disloyal portion of the American people," not as an external
struggle between the North and the South.
Finally, the culmination of the message was a long elaborate argument
upon the significance of the war to the working classes. His aim was
to show that the whole trend of the Confederate movement was toward a
conclusion which would "place capital on an equal footing with, if not
above, labor, in the structure of government." Thus, as so often before,
he insisted on his own view of the significance in American politics of
all issues involving slavery--their bearing on the condition of the free
laborer. In a very striking passage, often overlooked, he ranked himself
once more, as first of all, a statesman of "the people," in the limited
class sense of the term. "Labor is prior to and independent of capital.
Capital is only the fruit of labor and could never have existed if labor
had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves
much the higher consideration." But so far is he from any revolutionary
purpose, that he adds immediately, "Capital has its rights which are as
worthy of protection as any other rights." His crowning vision is not
communism. His ideal world is one of universal opportunity, with labor
freed of every hindrance, with all its deserving members acquiring more
and more of the benefits of property.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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