Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of WarStephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
History
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War
Stephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography
"Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal act of the President--a blow
at the friends of the Administration, at the rights of humanity, and
at the principles of Republican government The President has greatly
presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his Administration
have so long practised in view of the arduous conflict in which we are
engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents. But he
must understand that our support is of a 'cause' and not of a man; that
the authority of Congress is paramount and must be respected; that the
whole body of the Union men in Congress will not submit to be impeached
by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation; and if he wishes our
support he must confine him-self to his executive duties--to obey and
execute, not make the laws--to suppress by arms, armed rebellion, and
leave political reorganization to Congress. If the supporters of the
government fail to insist on this they become responsible for the
usurpations they fail to rebuke and are justly liable to the indignation
of the people whose rights and security, committed to their keeping,
they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy of these usurpations, and,
having found it, fearlessly execute it."
To these incredible charges, Lincoln made no reply. He knew, what some
statesmen never appear to know, the times when one should risk all upon
that French proverb, "who excuses, accuses." However, he made his futile
attempt to bring Greeley to reason, to induce him to tell the truth
about Niagara without confessing to the country the full measure of the
despair that had inspired his course. When Greeley refused to do so,
Lincoln turned to other matters, to preparation for the draft, and
grimly left the politicians to do their worst. They went about it with
zest. Their reliance was chiefly their power to infect the type of party
man who is easily swept from his moorings by the cry that the party is
in danger, that sacrifices must be made to preserve the party unity,
that otherwise the party will go to pieces. By the middle of August, six
weeks after Lincoln's defiance of them on the fourth of July, they
were in high feather, convinced that most things were coming their way.
American politicians have not always shown an ability to read clearly
the American people. Whether the politicians were in error on August
14, 1864, and again on August twenty-third, two dates that were turning
points, is a matter of debate to this day. As to August fourteenth,
they have this, at least, in their defense. The country had no political
observer more keen than the Scotch free lance who edited The New York
Herald. It was Bennett's editorial view that Lincoln would do well
to make a virtue of necessity and withdraw his candidacy because "the
dissatisfaction which had long been felt by the great body of American
citizens has spread even to his own supporters."(3) Confident that
a great reaction against Lincoln was sweeping the country, that the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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