Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of WarStephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
History
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War
Stephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography
Meanwhile, despite all this semblance of indecision, of feebleness,
there were signs that the real inner Lincoln, however clouded, was still
alive. By way of offset to his fatuous utterances, there might have been
set, had the Country been in a mood to weigh with care, several strong
and clear pronouncements. And these were not merely telling phrases like
that characteristic one about the bookkeeping of the front door. His
mind was struggling out of its shadow. And the mode of its reappearance
was significant. His reasoning upon the true meaning of the struggle he
was about to enter, reached a significant stage in the speech he made at
Harrisburg.(8)
"I have often inquired of myself," he said, "what great principle or
idea it was that kept this Confederacy (the United States) so long
together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the
colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of
Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of the country
but hope to all the world for all future time. It was that which gave
promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders
of all men and that all should have an equal chance. This is the
sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends,
can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider
myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it.
If it can not be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But
if this country can not be saved without giving up that principle, I was
about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender
it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need
of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it I am not in favor of
such a course, and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed
unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use
force unless force is used against it."
The two ideas underlying this utterance had grown in his thought
steadily, consistently, ever since their first appearance in the Protest
twenty-four years previous. The great issue to which all else--slavery,
"dominion status," everything--was subservient, was the preservation of
democratic institutions; the means to that end was the preservation of
the Federal government. Now, as in 1852, his paramount object was not
to "disappoint the Liberal party throughout the world," to prove that
Democracy, when applied on a great scale, had yet sufficient coherence
to remain intact, no matter how powerful, nor how plausible, were the
forces of disintegration.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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