London and the Kingdom - Volume 3: A History Derived Mainly from the Archives at Guildhall in the Custody of the Corporation of the City of London.Sharpe, Reginald R. (Reginald Robinson)
History
London and the Kingdom - Volume 3: A History Derived Mainly from the Archives at Guildhall in the Custody of the Corporation of the City of London.
Sharpe, Reginald R. (Reginald Robinson)
London (England) -- History
The king received the address on the throne with becoming dignity, and
returned for answer that it was a duty he owed his faithful subjects
to enforce respect for the constitutional authority of the kingdom on
those of his American subjects who had openly resisted it. This answer
appears to have had considerable effect upon the Common Council, for
when, a week later, a motion was made to send a reply to the letter
from New York, together with a copy of the City's late address, and the
king's answer, the motion was lost.[402]
[Sidenote: Address of the livery to electors of Great Britain, 29
Sept., 1775.]
On Michaelmas-day, when his successor in the mayoralty chair was chosen
by the livery, Wilkes, who had recently refused to countenance by his
presence the proclamation of the Americans as rebels (23 Aug.),[403]
produced a letter he had received from the Congress at Philadelphia
appealing to the city of London, as the "patron of liberty," to mediate
for the restoration of peace. Thereupon an address to the electors of
Great Britain (prepared at a previous meeting of the livery held at the
Half Moon tavern in Cheapside) calling upon them to assist the livery
to bring to justice the authors of the evils that had arisen in this
country and America was also produced and read. The document pointed to
the increase of national debt and the decrease of national resources
that must supervene if a ruinous and expensive war was to be undertaken
against the American colonies. What was the object of the war? It could
not be the security of England's commerce, for that was not in danger;
neither could it be to bring the colonies into due subordination to
the mother-country, for the colonies themselves had repeatedly and
solemnly acknowledged their subordination and submission to England.
It appeared, then, that the object of the war was nothing else than to
establish the arbitrary power of the crown over their fellow subjects
in America--a measure which would greatly endanger the constitution
at home and increase the number of placemen and pensioners. All that
the colonies asked for was peace, liberty and safety. They had pledged
themselves to be ready and willing in time of war to show their
loyalty to the king and to assist him with money and men to the utmost
of their ability. What more could in justice be required? They had
recently made a final appeal in the hope that the effusion of blood
might be stayed, but to this appeal no answer had been vouchsafed.
"This, gentlemen," the address continued, "is the alarming state of
America, which fills us with anxiety and apprehensions. We lament the
blood that has been already shed; we deplore the fate of those brave
men who are devoted to hazard their lives--not against the enemies
of the British name, but against the friends of the prosperity and
glory of Great Britain; we feel for the honour of the British arms,
sullied--not by the misbehaviour of those who bore them, but by the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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