Churchill, Randolph Henry Spencer, Lord, 1849-1895
The two Ministers who were responsible for Ireland united in a demand
for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act and eventually, after
struggles which nearly broke up the Cabinet, they procured the assent of
their colleagues. The remedy was desperate, unwarranted, and ill-chosen.
Shocking as were the outrages, they were the least part of the dangers
that threatened the fabric of society. They were, moreover, much
exaggerated by the official figures. Only seven persons were actually
murdered during the winter. The statistics were swollen by 1,300
outrages which proved on examination to consist merely of threatening
letters and notices. Many more were trivial annoyances. What rendered
them formidable were the temper of the people and the constant
apprehension of some fearful outburst. Boycotting was the weapon of the
Land League, and indeed it may be said that its sinister efficiency was
in great measure a preventive of worse crime. In one fashion or another
evictions were greatly diminished. Landlords did not dare to assert
their rights. The unwritten law of the Land League, supported by public
opinion, superseded the law of the land, backed as it was only by
physical force.
It was not easy in 1880, though the science of Coercion has made some
progress since, to discover what remedies Mr. Forster should have
chosen. It is certain that the remedy he chose was wrong. He seems to
have imagined that the agitation depended for its vitality upon certain
local leaders; that a comparatively small number of ‘village ruffians,’
against whom no legal proof existed, but the strongest moral suspicion,
were the indispensable and irreplaceable agents of the whole movement.
If they were removed, he believed the whole apparatus of terrorism would
collapse. If he could obtain power to arrest these men, who were
notorious, peace and order would ensue. No greater misreading of the
situation was possible. In dealing with a movement which was formidable
only because of its almost universal character, he struck at individuals
of minor prominence. He encountered profound communistic stirrings,
bitter racial hatred, and intense national aspirations by methods which
might have been effective against the rowdy larrikins of a slum. In face
of widespread lawlessness, principally petty in its character, the head
of the Irish Executive fell back on that supreme abrogation of civil law
which authorises arrest and imprisonment without trial. Staking his
official existence upon a demand for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act, he prevailed upon a shivering and reluctant Cabinet.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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