Churchill, Randolph Henry Spencer, Lord, 1849-1895
‘It is unfortunate for Ireland,’ observed Mr. Parnell, ‘that the Tories
are not now in office. If they were, Parliament would not have seen this
measure of Coercion, because in that case the Irish would have had the
assistance of the united Whig and Radical parties. We should have had
all those platitudes as to the love of liberty which the Liberal party
entertain and all those stock phrases which do Liberal Cabinets such
good service when they are out of office. The two great parties are now
united, but only for one purpose--namely, to crush, put down, and bully
a poor, weak, and starving nation....’ But although the Government were
supported in their repressive legislation by both parties and openly
opposed by scarcely any English or Scottish members, the dissatisfaction
against them on both sides of the House grew steadily as the session
advanced. The regular Opposition neglected nothing that could discredit
the Ministry, whether by accusing them of being responsible for the
disorder, or by cavilling at their remedies and pointing out how
inconsistent these were with their principles.
Although he allowed himself to be persuaded against making a hostile
motion, Lord Randolph’s detestation of the Coercion Bill grew as he
watched its course. ‘This Bill,’ he said (March 11, 1881), ‘is now
passing away from the House, and with it disappears all that
liberty-destroying machinery--urgency, _clôtures_, _coups d’état_, and
dictatorships--never, I hope, to return again. We shall now be told to
turn our attention to remedial legislation. I make no remark beyond
this--that remedial measures which are planted under the shadow of
Coercion and watered and nourished by the suspension of the
Constitution, must be from their nature poor and sickly plants of
foreign origin, almost foredoomed to perish before they begin to grow.
It was upon their capacity to give contentment and happiness to Ireland
that the Liberals relied to gain for themselves immortal credit and to
secure a perpetual lease of power. The Chief Secretary went to Ireland
in April last, bearing with him the hopes and blessings of an
enthusiastic and victorious party. He gave us all to understand that he
was to become an emancipator greater even than O’Connell; and within
twelve months of office he has come to the House to ask for powers more
stringent and more oppressive than were ever granted to or demanded by
Lord Castlereagh, the Duke of Wellington, or Lord Grey. I wish the Chief
Secretary joy of these beautiful Bills; but I may tell the right
honourable gentleman that he has acquired by them the undying dislike
and distrust of the Irish people. While I have never denied that some
measure of this kind, owing to the conduct of the Government, and that
alone, was only too necessary for Ireland--and while I have always
admitted that as to the nature and extent of that measure her Majesty’s
Government, who were the culprits, must be the judges--I still
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