Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent (vol. 2 of 2)Reumont, Alfred von
History
Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent (vol. 2 of 2)
Reumont, Alfred von
Medici, Lorenzo de', 1449-1492
The first-named—old, rich, and illustrious—were excluded
from office after the return of Cosimo de’ Medici. The two branches
of the Strozzi, whose influence had formerly been considerable, were
now in some degree estranged, and the most famous of the two was just
rising to the height of its splendour.
Lorenzo, as he looked around him, had no need to fear the recurrence
of such opposition as had endangered the authority of his grandfather
and father. There seemed no room for even attempts at violence, and
the tendencies which sprang forth after his death were at this time
hardly perceptible even in the germ. Francesco Guicciardini described
the situation in a few sentences: ‘The city was in perfect peace. The
citizens in whose hands was the administration held firmly together;
the government, carried on and supported by them, was so powerful that
no one dared contradict it. The people were daily entertained with
festivals, spectacles, and novelties; to their profit the city abounded
in everything; trade and business were at the height of prosperity. Men
of talent found their proper place in the great liberality with which
the arts and sciences were promoted and those who practised them were
honoured. This city, quiet and peaceful at home, enjoyed also high
esteem and great consideration abroad, because she had a government
whose head had full authority; because her dominions had lately been
extended; because the deliverance of Ferrara and that of King Ferrante
were mainly owing to her; because she had complete sway over Pope
Innocent; and because, in alliance with Naples and Milan, she in some
measure kept all Italy in equilibrium.’
Amid this happy state of things, however, symptoms showed themselves
which decidedly pointed out something insecure in the foundations.
From a moral point of view there were drawbacks whose influence on the
general development and final determination of affairs was inevitable.
Anyone who looked below the glittering surface must have felt yearly
increasing care about the political situation. Putting aside foreign
politics, the home affairs gave extra cause for anxiety. It was
becoming more and more evident that everything, present and future,
depended on one man alone. It could hardly therefore go unperceived
that the necessary consequences of this man’s position and career
furnished a prospect, perhaps not a distant one, of a radical change in
the constitution.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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