Love and liberty : $b A thrilling narrative of the French Revolution of 1792Dumas, Alexandre
History
Love and liberty : $b A thrilling narrative of the French Revolution of 1792
Dumas, Alexandre
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Fiction
Let us now retrace our steps a little, and throw a glance at that
terrible day, the 17th of July—day of the Champs de Mars—day of the
red flag, which in 1848, furnished to M. de Lamartine, one of his
most wonderful oratorical efforts.
CHAPTER XL.
THE TIDE RISES.
The Queen was right in not viewing events in the same light as those
who surrounded her.
Firstly, the struggle was between the Assembly and the Court. The
Assembly won the day.
Then it was between the Constitutionals and the Aristocrats.
The Constitutionals won the day. Now it was to be between the
Constitutionals and the Republicans.
It is true that the Republicans had only just begun to appear, but
in their first birth they formed this terrible principle—_No more
monarchy!_
You will remember that the commissioners had been appointed by the
Assembly to examine Louis XVI.
These three declared, in the name of their seven committees, that
they had found no reason to put Louis XVI on his trial.
The Assembly took the opinion of the commissioners, but the Jacobin
Club refused its sanction to the Assembly. The Assembly had then
above it a high chamber, which could annihilate its decisions with
its veto.
In order to understand the situation and the events about to take
place, it is necessary to say that at this juncture there were
opposed to each other, three distinct parties.
The Royalists who wished the King absolute—that is to say, without
the Constitution; the Constitutionals, who wished the King with
a Constitution; and the Republicans, who wished neither King nor
Constitution, but a republic.
The Assembly, as we have said, voted that there was no necessity to
put the King on trial.
But, through concession to the public feeling, it had voted two
measures—one preventive, the other repressive.
This was the repressive measure.
“That Bouillé, and all servants, officers, couriers, and accomplices
in the flight, should be prosecuted.”
This was the preventive measure:—
“That if a king breaks his oath, or attacks, or does not defend, his
people, he shall be cast from his throne, become a simple citizen,
and be tried for the offences committed previous to his degradation.”
The repressive measure was one of those timid ones proper to a
decayed Assembly, which feels that its power is crumbling away.
During some days, or, rather, nights, the Jacobin sitting became
stormy.
During the sitting, in which the true culprit—that is to say,
the King—was left alone, in order to arrest and punish the minor
offenders—that is to say, Bouillé, Fersen, the gardes du corps, and
Madame de Tourzel,—M. Robespierre asked in vain to have the report
distributed, and the discussion adjourned.
As it was known in advance that the discussion would be stormy,
Robespierre went to the club. He had been accused, at the Assembly,
of republicanism, and—mark this well,—on the 13th of July 1791,
Robespierre did not disdain to again avow himself a Republican.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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