Already on that initial evening we find three shades of republican opposition represented in the Rue de Rivoli salon. There was Peyrat, the most rabid of reformers, who cared not what the Government might be so long as it was a Republic. “_Qu’elle soit d’abord la République! on verra après_,” he exclaimed.[89] There was the more moderate Edmond Adam, who feared what he called a pseudo-Republic; and there was the nationalist Nefftzer, the Alsatian, who steadily refused to avert his gaze from the peril lowering across the north-eastern frontier. Nefftzer, though calling himself a republican, would have supported the Emperor had he shown himself capable of inaugurating a vigorous foreign policy. The editor of the _Temps_ was one of the few who in those days perceived Bismarck’s true aims and character. “_Il est plus que dangereux, il est effrayant_,” exclaimed Nefftzer that evening. But the editor’s lugubrious prognostications were jeered at by most of his fellow-guests. “Here comes to life again the illustrious Jeremiah,” said Peyrat. Only Juliette and her _amoureux_ Toussenel experienced any consternation at Nefftzer’s warnings. “I have long felt,” said Toussenel, “that some one was undermining our race, our character, our heroism.... You, Nefftzer, declare this some one to be Prussia. You have not wasted your time here this evening. You have warned a patriot, and one who is not stoney-hearted. Thank you.”[90] In Juliette’s salon at this time everything was an open question; for in these years, though she was swayed by strong preferences, she had no exclusions. Different shades of religious as well as of political opinion were represented. Anti-clericalism, though it dominated, did not have everything its own way. When Juliette’s physician, Dr. Clavel, announced that the Masonic Lodges were intending to drive Catholicism from France, Peyrat applauded, but Saint-Victor put in a plea for liberty.[91] “Whether one believes or disbelieves,” said Saint-Victor, “freedom is essential.” Eugène Pelletan agreed with him; not so Peyrat, who uttered his usual cry: “The Republic before everything. And then....” “And then what?” inquired Duclerc,[92] who was one of the 1848 revolutionists. “After we have extirpated all error, then...” “But who shall decide what is error?” “We shall.” “Then you consider yourselves infallible?” “Is it or is it not a question of overthrowing the adversary?” “Yes; but I should like to know in favour of whom and of what the adversary is to be overthrown.” “In favour of the principles of the Great Revolution.” “The principles of ’92 or ’93?” “Oh!” said Peyrat; “not the Revolution as understood by Quinet, the Revolution emasculated of all that was most powerful in it. Michelet ... has accepted the Revolution, including the Terror.”[93] “What!” exclaimed Duclerc, “the French Revolution may not be considered apart from its ferocity?” “Ferocity which was necessary.” “And which may again become necessary.”