Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical IntroductionMcKechnie, William Sharp
History
Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical Introduction
McKechnie, William Sharp
Constitutional history -- England -- Sources; Law -- England -- History; Law -- England -- Sources; Magna Carta
On the other hand, it may be argued that Magna Carta, while something
less than a law, is also something more. A law made by the king in one
national assembly might be repealed by the king in another; whereas the
Great Charter was intended by the barons to be unchangeable. It was
granted to them and their heirs for ever; and, in return, a price had
been paid, namely, the renewal of their allegiance—a fundamental
condition of John’s continued possession of the throne.[183]
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Footnote 183:
The _quid pro quo_ received by the King was merely the promise of
_conditionel_ homage, dependent (as we learn from chapter 63) on his
observance of the conditions of the Charter. This arrangement may be
compared with the agreement made between Stephen and the Earl of
Gloucester in 1136 (see _supra_, p. 120), and it bears some points of
analogy with the procedure adopted by the framers of the Bill of
Rights, who inserted a list of conditions in the Act of Parliament
which formed the title of William and Mary to the throne of England.
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Magna Carta has also been frequently described as a treaty. Such is the
verdict of Dr. Stubbs.[184] “The Great Charter, although drawn up in the
form of a royal grant, was really a treaty between the King and his
subjects.... It is the collective people who really form the other high
contracting party in the great capitulation.”[185] This view receives
some support from certain words contained in chapter 63 of the Charter
itself: “_Juratum est autem tam ex parte nostra quam ex parte baronum,
quod haec omnia supradicta bona fide et sine malo ingenio
observabuntur_.”
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Footnote 184:
_Const. Hist._, I. 569.
Footnote 185:
Mr. Prothero is of the same opinion (_Simon de Montfort_, 15). It was
“in reality a treaty of peace, an engagement made after a defeat
between the vanquished and his victors.”
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It is not sufficient to urge against this theory, as is sometimes done,
that the concord was entered into in bad faith by one or by both of the
contracting parties. It is quite true that the compromise it contained
was accepted merely as a cloak under which to prepare for war; yet
jurisprudence, in treating of formal documents granted under seal, pays
no attention to sincerity or insincerity, but looks merely to the formal
expression of consent.
Interesting questions might also be raised as to how far it is correct
to extend to treaties the legal rule which declares void or voidable all
compacts and agreements induced by force or fear. In a sense, every
treaty which ends a great war would fall under such condemnation, since
the vanquished nation always bows to _force majeure_. Such claims as the
Great Charter may have to rank as a treaty are not, therefore,
necessarily weakened by John’s subsequent contention that when granting
it he was not a free agent.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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