Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical IntroductionMcKechnie, William Sharp
History
Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical Introduction
McKechnie, William Sharp
Constitutional history -- England -- Sources; Law -- England -- History; Law -- England -- Sources; Magna Carta
It must not be forgotten, however, that the truth of historical
questions does not depend on the counting of votes, or the weight of
authority; nor that a vigorous minority has always protested on the
other side. “It has been lately the fashion,” Hallam confesses, “to
depreciate the value of Magna Charta, as if it had sprung from the
private ambition of a few selfish barons, and redressed only some feudal
abuses.”[206] It is not safe to accept, without a careful consideration
of the evidence, the opinions cited even from such high authorities.
“Equality” is essentially a modern ideal: in 1215, the various estates
of the realm may have set out on the journey which was ultimately to
lead them to this conception, but they had not yet reached their goal.
For many centuries after the thirteenth, class legislation maintained
its prominent place on the Statute Rolls, and the interests of the
various classes were by no means always identical.
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Footnote 206:
_Middle Ages_, II. 447. See, _e.g._ Robert Brady, _A Full and Clear
Answer_ (1683).
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Two different parts of the Charter have a bearing on this question;
namely, chapter 1, which explains to whom the rights were granted, and
chapter 61, which declares by whom they were to be enforced. John’s
words clearly tell us that the liberties were confirmed “to all freemen
of my kingdom and their heirs for ever.” This opens up the crucial
question—who were _freemen_ in 1215?
The enthusiasm, natural and even laudable in its proper place, although
fatal to historical accuracy in its results, which seeks to enhance the
merits of Magna Carta by exalting its provisions and extending their
scope as widely as possible, has led commentators to stretch the meaning
of “freeman” to its utmost limits. The word has even been treated as
embracing the entire population of England, including not only
churchmen, merchants, and yeomen, but even villeins as well. There are
reasons, however, for believing that it should be understood in a sense
much more restricted, although the subject is darkened by the vagueness
of the word, and by the difficulty of determining whether it bears any
technical signification or not. “Homo,” in medieval law-Latin, has a
peculiar meaning, and was originally used as synonymous with "baro"—all
feudal vassals, whether of the Crown or of mesne lords, being described
as “men” or “barons.” The word was sometimes indeed more loosely used,
as may have been the case in chapter 1. Yet Magna Carta is a feudal
charter, and the presumption is in favour of the technical feudal
meaning of the word—a presumption certainly not weakened by the addition
of an adjective confining it to the “free.” This qualifying word
certainly excluded villeins, and possibly also the great burgess class,
or many of them. There is a passage in the _Dialogus de Scaccario_
(dating from the close of the reign of Henry II.), in which Richard
Fitz-Nigel reckons even the richest burgesses and traders as not fully
free.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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