Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical IntroductionMcKechnie, William Sharp
History
Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical Introduction
McKechnie, William Sharp
Constitutional history -- England -- Sources; Law -- England -- History; Law -- England -- Sources; Magna Carta
(1) In re-organizing machinery for the suppression and punishment of
crime by the Assizes of Clarendon and Northampton, he established the
general principle that criminal trials should (in the normal case) begin
with formal indictment of the accused by a representative body of
neighbours sworn to speak the truth.[234] This was merely a systematic
enforcement of one of the many forms of _inquisitio_ already in use;
from that date onwards the practice so established has been followed in
England. Criminal prosecution cannot be begun on mere suspicion or
irresponsible complaints. The jury of accusation (or presentment) may be
said to have been instituted in 1166, and has continued in use ever
since, passing by an unbroken course of development into the grand jury
of the present day.[235]
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Footnote 234:
See Pollock and Maitland, I. 131. It was part of Henry’s policy to
substitute indictment by a representative jury for the older appeal by
the wronged individual or his surviving relatives. The older
procedure, however, was not completely abolished though looked upon
with disfavour. Its continuance and also its unpopularity may both be
traced in chapter 54 of Magna Carta. See _infra_.
Footnote 235:
Chapter 38 of Magna Carta, according to a plausible interpretation of
an admittedly obscure passage, seems to insist on the necessity of
such an accusation by the jury:—“_non ... sine testibus fidelibus ad
hoc inductis_.”
(2) By insisting that the ordeal was the only adequate test of an
accused man’s guilt or innocence, Henry unconsciously prepared the way
for a second form of jury. When the fourth Lateran Council in the very
year of Magna Carta forbade priests to countenance ordeal by their
presence or blessing, a death-blow was really dealt to that form of
procedure or “test,” since it depended for its authority on
superstition. A canon of the Church had thus suddenly struck away the
pivot on which Henry had made his entire criminal system to revolve.
Some substitute required urgently to be devised. It was to supply this
that the petty jury (or its rude antecedent) came into existence. The
man who had been publicly accused as _presumably_ guilty by the voice of
his neighbours, was asked if he was willing to stand or fall by a
further and final reference to the oath of a second jury of neighbours.
This second verdict, then, was the new “test” or “law” substituted, if
the accused man agreed, for his old right of proving himself innocent by
the ordeal. By obscure steps, on which those best entitled to speak with
authority are not yet agreed, this jury, giving a second and final
verdict, gradually developed into the criminal jury of twelve, the petty
jury of to-day, the characteristics of which are well known and which
has had so important an influence on the development of constitutional
liberties in England, and even, it is said, on the national character.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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