Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical IntroductionMcKechnie, William Sharp
History
Magna Carta: A Commentary on the Great Charter of King John: With an Historical Introduction
McKechnie, William Sharp
Constitutional history -- England -- Sources; Law -- England -- History; Law -- England -- Sources; Magna Carta
This chapter and the next treat of wardship,[382] a much hated feudal
incident, which undoubtedly afforded openings for grave abuses. It is a
mistake, however, to regard its mere existence as an abuse: it seems to
have been perfectly legal in England from the date of the Norman
Conquest, although some writers[383] consider it an innovation devised
by William Rufus and Flambard, without precedent in the Conqueror’s
reign. The chief argument for this mistaken view is that Henry I., in
promising redress of several admitted inventions of Rufus, promised also
to reform wardship. This may show that wardship was abused, but does not
prove it an innovation.
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Footnote 382:
The nature of wardship is more fully explained _supra_, pp. 75-7.
Footnote 383:
_E.g._ Mr. Taswell-Langmead, _Engl. Const. History_, p. 51, n.
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The Charter of Henry committed him undoubtedly to drastic remedies,
which would have amounted to the virtual abolition of wardship
altogether. Chapter 4 of that document removed from the lord’s custody
both the land and the person of the heir, and gave them to the widow of
the deceased tenant (or to one of the kinsmen, if such kinsman had, by
ancient custom, rights prior to those of the widow).[384] This was only
one of the many insincere promises which the “lion of justice” never
kept, and probably never meant to keep. Wardship continued to be exacted
from lay fiefs throughout the reigns of Henry I. and Stephen. Article 4
of the Assize of Northampton (1176) merely confirmed the existing
practice when it allowed wardship to the lord of the fee.[385] The
barons in 1215 made no attempt to alter this, or to revert to the
drastic remedies of the Charter of Henry I., although the evils
complained of had become worse under John’s misgovernment.
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Footnote 384:
“This, it would seem, was the old English rule”; see Ramsay,
_Foundations of England_, II. 230.
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It must be remembered that “wardship” placed the property and person of
the heir at the mercy of the Crown. Even if the popular belief as to the
fate met by Prince Arthur at his uncle’s hands was unfounded, John was
by no means the guardian to inspire confidence in the widowed mother of
a young Crown tenant whose estates the king might covet for himself.
Further, the king might confer the office, with the delicate issues
involved, upon whomsoever he would. When such a trust was abused it was
difficult to obtain redress. In 1133 a guardian, accused _de puella quam
dicitur violasse in custodia sua_, paid a fine to the crown, if not as
hush money, at least in order to obtain protection from being sued
elsewhere than in the _Curia Regis_.[386] It is easy to understand how
thoroughly this feudal incident must have been detested in England and
Normandy, all the more so if, as Hallam contends, it was not recognized
as a feudal due in other parts of Europe.[387]
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Footnote 385:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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