Mahan on naval warfare : $b Selections from the writing of Rear Admiral Alfred T. MahanMahan, A. T. (Alfred Thayer)
History
Mahan on naval warfare : $b Selections from the writing of Rear Admiral Alfred T. Mahan
Mahan, A. T. (Alfred Thayer)
Naval art and science; Naval strategy; Sea-power
What does seem a fair conclusion is, that States having a good seaboard,
or even ready access to the ocean by one or two outlets, will find it to
their advantage to seek prosperity and extension by the way of the sea
and of commerce, rather than in attempts to unsettle and modify existing
political arrangements in countries where a more or less long possession
of power has conferred acknowledged rights, and created national
allegiance or political ties. Since the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the
waste places of the world have been rapidly filled; witness our own
continent, Australia, and even South America. A nominal and more or less
clearly defined political possession now generally exists in the most
forsaken regions, though to this statement there are some marked
exceptions; but in many places this political possession is little more
than nominal, and in others of a character so feeble that it cannot rely
upon itself alone for support or protection. The familiar and notorious
example of the Turkish Empire, kept erect only by the forces pressing
upon it from opposing sides, by the mutual jealousies of powers that
have no sympathy with it, is an instance of such weak political tenure;
and though the question is wholly European, all know enough of it to be
aware that the interest and control of the sea powers is among the
chief, if not the first, of the elements that now fix the situation; and
that they, if intelligently used, will direct the future inevitable
changes. Upon the western continents the political condition of the
Central American and tropical South American States is so unstable as to
cause constant anxiety about the maintenance of internal order, and
seriously to interfere with commerce and with the peaceful development
of their resources. So long as—to use a familiar expression—they hurt no
one but themselves, this may go on; but for a long time the citizens of
more stable governments have been seeking to exploit their resources,
and have borne the losses arising from their distracted condition. North
America and Australia still offer large openings to immigration and
enterprise; but they are filling up rapidly, and as the opportunities
there diminish, the demand must arise for a more settled government in
those disordered States, for security to life and for reasonable
stability of institutions enabling merchants and others to count upon
the future. There is certainly no present hope that such a demand can be
fulfilled from the existing native materials; if the same be true when
the demand arises, no theoretical positions, like the Monroe Doctrine,
will prevent interested nations from attempting to remedy the evil by
some measure, which, whatever it may be called, will be a political
interference. Such interferences must produce collisions, which may be
at times settled by arbitration, but can scarcely fail at other times to
cause war. Even for a peaceful solution, that nation will have the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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