Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature - 3. The Reaction in FranceBrandes, Georg
History
Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature - 3. The Reaction in France
Brandes, Georg
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- History and criticism; Naturalism in literature; Romanticism
Rousseau's political theories were undoubtedly most imperfect, and
it was easy to perceive the dangers that lay concealed in them.
His principle, that no one is bound to obey laws to which he has
not given his consent, not only strikes at the authority which is
power, but also at the authority which is simply a form of reason,
and thus makes all government impossible. His second principle, that
sovereignty is an attribute of the people, may, if the word "people"
be unwisely apprehended, lead to tyranny of the majority and make
all liberty impossible. His third great principle, that all men are
equal, may lead to universal levelling instead of to justice. Here are
enough points of attack for a criticism undertaken from the modern
standpoint. Hegel in his day attempted such a criticism. He propounded
a new interpretation of the sovereignty of the people, defining it as
really meaning the sovereignty of the state. Heiberg, who was given to
carrying the Hegelian theories to extremes, presents us (in his essay
"On Authority") with Hegel's idea in the astounding and reactionary
proposition that "it is a matter of no consequence whether or not the
interests of the citizens are furthered by the development of the
state, since it is not the state which exists for the sake of the
citizens, but the citizens who exist for the sake of the state."[3]
Though we of the present day have a distinct antipathy to such
propositions, we nevertheless give to these protests against Rousseau's
theories the attention which we consider due to any development of
modern thought. But the protests of De Maistre's day were neither based
on thought nor on reason, but purely and simply on belief in authority;
and the opposition is, moreover, dishonourable in its methods; the
attack is always directed against some isolated proposition, which, if
we read it with the desire to understand it, is comprehensible, but
which it is easy to reduce to an absurdity, because of the audacious
manner in which it is expressed.
Bonald, for instance, scoffs at Rousseau for saying: "A people has
always the right to change its laws, even the best of them; for if
it chooses to do itself an injury, who has the right to prevent it?"
The proposition is a rash one, but it does not in reality justify the
retrogressive step; it only denies the right of outsiders to make it an
excuse for interfering; and the reader is unpleasantly affected when he
discovers that the reason why Bonald is so exasperated by these words
is that he considers the law-giving power to be the prerogative of God,
not of the people.
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